That this disproportionate system, which grants suffrage to ten per cent of the population and leaves ninety per cent of the inhabitants without a voice in governmental affairs, should be provocative of deep discontent among the natives is hardly surprising. Far from unifying the population, it has but served to encourage racial hatred and political prejudice, for the “citizens,” native and naturalized, consider themselves immensely superior to the unfranchised, who bitterly resent the subordinate position that has been allotted them in the land which their fathers ruled for twelve hundred years. Looking eastward, the Algerians see their fellow-Moslems in Tunisia enjoying a considerable measure of autonomy, somewhat vague and limited, it is true, but an autonomy of sorts nevertheless. On the west they see the Moroccans, with whom they are closely allied racially, religiously, and historically, under a French protectorate, but a protectorate so mild and beneficent as to be scarcely felt. The bey of Tunis still sits on the throne of his fathers in the Palace of the Bardo; the sultan of Morocco is still the titular head of the Shereefian Empire; but in Algeria all power is vested in the governor-general, an alien and a non-Moslem, and the flag which flies over the country from Lalla Maghnia to the Mjerda is the flag of France. The cause of this discrimination must be sought in history. The French came into Algeria as avenging conquerors during an age when European nations recognized only three methods of dealing with native populations: extinction, expulsion, and repression. At the time of the conquest France was still swayed by Napoleonic ideals, her military men were in the saddle, and the numerous native uprisings, particularly that led by Abd-el-Kader, had convinced her that she was standing on the crust of a volcano. Hence, in formulating her Algerian policy, she decided on repression; she determined to use the mailed fist without the velvet glove. Everywhere, even on the plains, where resistance was slight and conquest was easy, the natives were dispossessed. The land was allotted to Frenchmen or to those natives, comparatively few in number, who were able to qualify as French “citizens” and consented to take the oath of allegiance to France. Those who had fought for their fatherland, who had resisted the invaders, were deprived of their property, the villages were depopulated, broad areas of the country were laid waste. In the cities the mosques were in many cases desecrated or handed over to the religious orders to be used for what the Moslems considered idolatrous worship. Some of them have never been restored to their owners. The country was administered—and still is to a large extent—primarily for the benefit of Frenchmen. Those Algerians only have prospered who have entered the French army or government service, and formed affiliations which all but cut them off from their fellow-countrymen. Though in the ninety-odd