Indian Linguistic Families of America, North of Mexico: Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1891, pages 1-142 — John Shaqi
Indian Linguistic Families of America, North of Mexico: Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1891, pages 1-142Powell, John Wesley
History
Indian Linguistic Families of America, North of Mexico: Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1885-1886, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1891, pages 1-142
Powell, John Wesley
Indians of North America -- Languages; Indians of North America -- Languages -- Bibliography
That which kept the Indian population down sprang from another source,
which has sometimes been neglected. The Indians had no reasonable or
efficacious system of medicine. They believed that diseases were caused
by unseen evil beings and by witchcraft, and every cough, every
toothache, every headache, every chill, every fever, every boil, and
every wound, in fact, all their ailments, were attributed to such cause.
Their so-called medicine practice was a horrible system of sorcery, and
to such superstition human life was sacrificed on an enormous scale. The
sufferers were given over to priest doctors to be tormented, bedeviled,
and destroyed; and a universal and profound belief in witchcraft made
them suspicious, and led to the killing of all suspected and obnoxious
people, and engendered blood feuds on a gigantic scale. It may be safely
said that while famine, pestilence, disease, and war may have killed
many, superstition killed more; in fact, a natural death in a savage
tent is a comparatively rare phenomenon; but death by sorcery, medicine,
and blood feud arising from a belief in witchcraft is exceedingly
common.
Scanty as was the population compared with the vast area teeming with
natural products capable of supporting human life, it may be safely said
that at the time of the discovery, and long prior thereto, practically
the whole of the area included in the present map was claimed and to
some extent occupied by Indian tribes; but the possession of land by the
Indian by no means implies occupancy in the modern or civilized sense of
the term. In the latter sense occupation means to a great extent
individual control and ownership. Very different was it with the
Indians. Individual ownership of land was, as a rule, a thing entirely
foreign to the Indian mind, and quite unknown in the culture stage to
which he belonged. All land, of whatever character or however utilized,
was held in common by the tribe, or in a few instances by the clan.
Apparently an exception to this broad statement is to be made in the
case of the Haida of the northwest coast, who have been studied by
Dawson. According to him[3] the land is divided among the different
families and is held as strictly personal property, with hereditary
rights or possessions descending from one generation to another. “The
lands may be bartered or given away. The larger salmon streams are,
however, often the property jointly of a number of families.” The
tendency in this case is toward personal right in land.
[Footnote 3: Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878, p. 117.]
TRIBAL LAND.
For convenience of discussion, Indian tribal land may be divided into
three classes: First, the land occupied by the villages; second, the
land actually employed in agriculture; third, the land claimed by the
tribe but not occupied, except as a hunting ground.
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