Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921 -- Personal narratives; World War, 1914-1918 -- Soviet Union
An army that will obey orders; a government that will govern; leaders
in business, in transportation, in agriculture and a people willing to
obey those leaders; education, wholesome life. Russia needs all these,
and in her coming mighty struggle to achieve them the whole world of
democracy, and especially our United States, must lend willing and
sympathetic help and guidance.
CHAPTER XXV
WHAT NEXT?
Man must hope. He must believe that his fight is a winning fight or
he must give up in despair. That is why the Americans place credence
in every despatch from Russia which seems to indicate that the
disorganized fighting forces are being whipped into form again. That
is why any hint that Kerensky had not succeeded in restoring order in
the empire was for some time received with incredulity by the reading
public. But why refuse to face the facts? We must face them some time.
In late September I read in one of the newspapers a headline which
stated that the so-called democratic congress then in session in
Petrograd had voted to sustain Kerensky’s demand for a coalition
ministry. The headlines were wrong. What the dispatch really stated
was that the congress had voted not to form any coalition with the
bourgeois element, or with members of the Constitutional Democratic
party. That is, the congress would not support a ministry that had any
non-socialist members in it. “All the power to the Soviets” was retired
as too conservative a slogan. It was “all the power to the Bolsheviki”
then, for that is precisely what the vote in that so-called Democratic
Congress meant.
Since June, 1917, no fewer than six congresses or conventions have
been held in Russia with the object of finding a way out of the chaos
with which the country is threatened. Every one of them was hailed
beforehand as the one which was going to be a revelation of the
intentions and desires of the people. The most important of these was
the all-Russia congress of Soviets held last July, and before that
the preliminary convention to prepare for the constituent assembly.
The one was to decide once and for all whether or not the moderate or
the extreme element in the Soviets was to rule, and the other was to
quiet both elements by showing that the government intended to prepare
a liberal and a democratic constitution for them to debate, amend and
adopt when the time came. Lastly, there was the great Moscow congress
of last August. I don’t remember what the stated object of that
congress was, but it does not matter much. The real object was to find
out which was the stronger man, Kerensky or Korniloff. Kerensky won
by a narrow margin, a very narrow margin. And then they held another
convention, and Kerensky lost.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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