Soviet Union -- History -- Revolution, 1917-1921 -- Personal narratives; World War, 1914-1918 -- Soviet Union
Most of the grand dukes and grand duchesses are virtually prisoners on
their estates. The Empress Dowager is confined to her estate in the
Crimea, and the government would not even allow her to leave it to bid
her exiled son good-by. But Michael Alexandrovitch must have convinced
the government that he is trustworthy, and he seems to be regarded as
a man who could be brought out of his shadowy background and set up
for the people to call a king, if the worst comes to the worst and
they have to have a king. This is the most severe form the reaction
could permanently take in Russia, as far as I can judge. Of course a
military dictatorship may precede this, but the dictatorship would be a
temporary thing, a war measure to crush the Bolsheviki and bring order
out of chaos. Nobody in Russia, as far as I know and believe, wants a
counter revolution in the sense suggested by the Bolsheviki. But the
counter revolution, as a bogie to be held over the heads of the timid
dreamers and of those half-hearted ones who shrink from bloodshed, is
so useful that the Bolshevik leaders worked it hard all summer and in
the latest developments they were still at it.
The experience of the French people after their revolution is often
cited by the timorous in Russia. It is true that the Bourbons came
back, but the people of France did not call them back. They were
put back by the allied monarchs of Europe, aghast at the spread of
republicanism in the eastern hemisphere. Following the revolution and
the two score years of Napoleonic wars, these rulers got together,
signed a secret agreement that the peace of Europe depended on France
remaining a monarchy, and in 1814 they put Louis XVIII on the throne.
By virtue of giving the French a liberal constitution he kept the
throne until his death, ten years later. The allied monarchs saw to
it that his brother, Charles X, succeeded him, but the allies could
not prevent the French from turning him out of the country within six
years. Nor could they stay the revolution of 1848 which banished Louis
Philippe, the last Bourbon.
Times have changed since the French revolution. Kings have lost most
of their power and almost all of their popularity. They cannot get
together and, under the direction of a Metternich, agree that the peace
of Europe demands that Russia remain an autocracy. They could not do
this even if the old combination, Russia, Prussia, Austria, England
and France, had not been violently disrupted. No country in Europe is
interested in restoring the Romanoff dynasty, unless it be the country
of the Hohenzollerns, and that country is not going to have much to say
about the world’s business for the next few years.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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