Introductory notes on lying-in institutions : $b Together with a proposal for organising an institution for training midwives and midwifery nurses — John Shaqi
Introductory notes on lying-in institutions : $b Together with a proposal for organising an institution for training midwives and midwifery nursesNightingale, Florence
Science
Introductory notes on lying-in institutions : $b Together with a proposal for organising an institution for training midwives and midwifery nurses
Nightingale, Florence
Women's hospitals
In one such instance (Holborn), where the deliveries have averaged fifty
a year, the death-rate was exceptionally high, 24 per 1,000, one half of
which was due to puerperal disease. In another instance, St. Mary’s,
Islington, with seventy-five deliveries per annum, the death-rate
averaged 29 per 1,000. But the causes are not stated, and cannot now be
ascertained. In Whitechapel, where there were 111 deliveries per annum,
the death-rate was 10·8 per 1,000, one half being due to puerperal
diseases.
It is possible that local enquiry might elucidate the causes of this
mortality. The cases are, however, exceptional to the experience of
London workhouses, viz. that the death-rates from puerperal diseases and
accidents of childbirth are scarcely higher than they are in all
England, town and country. Let us try to ascertain how far the
management adopted may have led to these comparatively favourable
results.
The conditions for recovery in a great majority of the London workhouse
lying-in wards are at least as favourable as they are in the Liverpool
workhouse; in most cases undoubtedly more so, as will immediately be
seen when we consider that the average annual number of deliveries in
Liverpool workhouse is more than twice that of the two largest London
workhouses, and from five to ten times most of the others; that in the
London workhouses the rule is to have many unoccupied beds, while this
is the exception in the Liverpool workhouse.
The cardinal principle in the management of these London workhouse
lying-in wards appears to be this: their occupants are a fluctuating
number; often the wards have but one woman at a time, and the cubic
space for each of these women is ‘in fact the cubic space of the whole
ward.’[18] Sometimes, but only for brief periods, all the lying-in beds
may be occupied. For much longer intervals the occupants are very few in
number, so that each has a large proportion of cubic space, and
sometimes the wards in some of the workhouses are empty. There are no
medical schools attached to the institutions, and no medical students
who may have passed from a case of erysipelas or from the post-mortem
theatre to the lying-in bedside; there is the possibility of removing
immediately any case of febrile or other disease which may occur in the
lying-in ward into the general sick wards of the workhouse; there is
discharge of convalescent cases at the earliest possible period, either
to their own homes or to other parts of the establishment; these
conditions, together with the paucity of numbers and the occasional
vacating and rest of the wards, appear to constitute the main difference
between a workhouse lying-in ward and a lying-in hospital.
In both classes of establishments the same attention is doubtless
bestowed on ventilation, cleanliness, and frequent change of bedding.
_MANAGEMENT OF MILITARY LYING-IN WARDS._
The lying-in arrangements provided for soldiers’ wives are as follows:—
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