Now, passing on to the imperial diet, it is observed that the theoretical view of its legislative capacity is that with its consent the emperor exercises his legislative power (V.), or, in the words of the commentator, that the diet "takes part in legislation, but has no share in the sovereign power; it has power to deliberate upon laws, but none to determine them." This theoretical definition, however, should not be taken as a practical limitation imposed upon the legislative power of the diet, for, it will be remembered, every law of the state must have its consent (XXXIII.), and it may disapprove imperial ordinances issued while it was not in session (VIII.). Over and above its legislative faculty, also, the diet enjoys four important rights: the right to receive petitions directly from the people, the right to put questions to the government and demand explanations, the right to address the throne over the heads of the cabinet ministers, and, the most effective of all, the right to control the management of the finances. It is needless to say that the practical issue of conflict must always lie, not between the diet and the emperor, but between the diet and the government. The diet consists of two houses, namely, of the peers and of the representatives. The importance of the bicameral system is strongly insisted upon by the commentator of the Constitution. The house of peers is composed of the members of the imperial family and princes and marquises, who sit of their own right; counts, viscounts, and barons, who have been elected by their respective peers; persons who have been specially nominated by the emperor on account of the meritorious services they have rendered to the state or on account of their erudition; and, finally, wealthy persons who have been elected, one member for each city or prefecture, by the people of their own class. All hold their seats for life, except the elected members, whose term is seven years.