[92] R. Howden, vol. ii. pp. 306, 307. No such bull is now known, but there seems no reason to doubt the story. [93] Gerv. Cant. vol. i. p. 346; _Gesta Hen._ vol. ii. pp. 3, 4; R. Diceto, vol. ii. p. 47. [94] Cf. _Gesta Hen._ vol. i. pp. 350, 361; Four Masters, a. 1186; Gir. Cambr. vol. v. p. 387, and R. Diceto, vol. ii. p. 34, who gives the day of Hugh’s death--July 25--but under a wrong year. [95] Gerv. Cant. vol. i. p. 346; _Gesta Hen._ vol. ii. p. 4. [96] _Gesta Hen._ vol. ii. p. 4. [97] _Ib._ Cf. R. Diceto, vol. ii. p. 47. [98] _Gesta Hen._ vol. ii. p. 6. [99] _Ib._ [100] Rigord, c. 52 (ed. Delaborde, p. 180). [101] _Ib._ Cf. Gerv. Cant. vol. i. p. 369. [102] Gir. Cambr. vol. viii. pp. 232, 233. [103] _Gesta Hen._ vol. ii. p. 9. [104] _Ib._ p. 40. [105] R. Howden, vol. ii. p. 362. [106] _Gesta Hen._ vol. ii. p. 66. [107] R. Howden, vol. ii. p. 363. [108] _Hist. de G. le Mar._ vv. 8542–4. [109] Gir. Cambr. vol. iv. p. 369. [110] Gerald indeed (_l.c._) says: “In crastino vero ... versus Andegaviam rege properante, fidei tamen sacramentique vinculis senescallo Normanniae Guillelmo Radulphi filio et comite Guillelmo de Mandeville ante constrictis, de munitionibus Normanniae cunctis, siquid de ipso sinistrum fore contigerit, filio suo juniori Johanni reddendis, quanquam tamen et ipse ab eodem, proh dolor! paulo _post_ discesserit.” But it looks very much as if “post” here were a mistake for “ante,” for the whole story indicates that John was not at La Frênaye on the night of June 12. Cf. W. Newb. l. iii. c. 25: “Tunc” (after the flight from Le Mans) “Johannes filiorum ejus minimus, quem tenerrime diligebat, recessit ab eo”; and _Gesta Hen._ vol. ii. p. 72: “Johannes filius ejus, qui mortis suae occasio, immo causa praecipua fuerat, eo quod illum tempore guerrae, cum capta esset civitas Cenomannis, reliquerat.” These two writers, indeed, taken by themselves, would seem to imply that John’s desertion was open; but Henry’s charge to the two Norman barons, and his subsequent horror at the final discovery of John’s treason, indicate that it was managed with a refinement of duplicity which is really more in accord with John’s character. [111] _Hist. de G. le Mar._ vv. 9077–8. CHAPTER II JOHN COUNT OF MORTAIN 1189–1199 Then ther com most wykke tydyng To Quer de Lyoun Richard our kyng, How off Yngelonde hys brother Ihon, That was accursyd off flesch and bon, . . . . . . ... wolde with maystry off hand Be crownyd kyng in Yngeland. _Richard Coer de Lion_, ll. 6267–70, 6273–4. [Sidenote: 1189]