King Horn, Floriz and Blauncheflur, The Assumption of Our Lady — John Shaqi
King Horn, Floriz and Blauncheflur, The Assumption of Our Lady
General
King Horn, Floriz and Blauncheflur, The Assumption of Our Lady
English poetry -- Middle English, 1100-1500; Mary, Blessed Virgin, Saint -- Legends; Romances, English
From a consideration of the phonology of the poem Wissmann concludes
(King Horn, Untersuchungen, Strassburg, 1876, p. 33) that, “Im
Allgemeinen ist der Charakter des Vocalismus ein südöstlicher, der
jedoch von dem kentischen in vielen Punkten sich unterscheidet. Die
grösste Wahrscheinlichkeit hat Essex als Gegend der Entstehung für
sich.” A further investigation reveals to me no reason for dissenting
from this view. Some of the more prominent features of the phonology are
as follows:
In all of the three MSS. the sign _æ_ has been disused. In its place
occurs, now _a_, now _e_, so that the indication of pronunciation is
often ambiguous. That the letter _a_ sometimes denotes the _æ_ sound
seems certain (cf. Wissmann, Untersuchungen, as above, p. 10). The
original pure #ă#, as in some districts of America, had nearly
disappeared, or been lengthened, or become _o_ or part of a diphthong.
The letter _a_ was thus left free to denote the _æ_ sound, though
sometimes assisted in this function by the letter _e_.
OE. _æ̆_ and OE. _ǣ_ (_ē_) shortened.
In the North and the Midland, OE. _æ̆_ and _ǣ_ (umlaut of WG. _ai_)
shortened, appear as _a_, OE. (WS.) _ǣ_ (= WG. _ā_) shortened usually as
_e_. In the West-Southern and Middle-Southern, (1) early writings have
_e_ (_æ_, _ea_), (2) later writings have _a_. In Kentish and
East-Southern the prevailing vowel is _e_. (Cf. Morsbach, §§ 96-105.)
In K. H. OE. _æ̆_ appears (1) in C usually as _a_ (one exception _bed_
536), (2) in H as _e_, e.g., _sumwet_ : _net_ 725-6, (3) in L as _a_ or
_e_. OE. _ǣ_ (i-umlaut) shortened seems to have been written the same.
Cf. 5-6, 653-4, 1249-50, with some variations from the rule in 21-2,
553-4, 1305-6, 701-2 C H. The pronunciation of this shortened OE. _ǣ_
(_i_-umlaut) seems to have been _e_. Cf. _geste_ : _feste_ 553-4,
1305-6, _biweste_ : _laste_ 5-6. Apparent evidence to the contrary are
_haste_ : _laste_ 653-4 C L (but _beste_ : _leste_ H), and _icaste_ :
_ilaste_ 701-2 C H (but _keste_ L), _hadde_ : _ladde_ 21-2, _hadde_ :
_dradde_ 1249-50 C L, but _hedde_ : _dredde_ 1249-50 H.
Note 1. OE. (WS.) _ǣ_ must have had a close pronunciation (_ẹ̄_) if we
may judge from the rimes; _here_ : _lere_ 241-2, _lede_ : _ȝede_
309-10 C, _ete_ : _suete_ 1349-50, _lere_ : _yfere_ 257-8, _swete_ :
_forlete_ 231-2, _seche_ : _speche_ 183-4, 483-4, etc. Or perhaps we
must conclude that _ẹ̄_ close and _ę̄_ open were not carefully
distinguished in rime, for cf. _stede_ : _drede_ 273-4 C, and Note 2.
Note 2. OE. _a_ when lengthened in open syllables seems to have had an
open _ę̄_ sound. Cf. _makede_ : _verade_ 179-80, _þere_ : _fare_ 497-8 L
H, _speke_ : _take_ 567-8, _þere_ : _aylmere_ 537-8 L, C H, 1613-14,
_ȝate_ : _late_ 1123-4 C, 1593-4 C, _brake_ : _gate_ 1157-8 C, _lede_ :
_made_ 1501-2 L H, _slape_ : _rape_ 1531-2 C. Cf. also the _ai_ : _ei_
rimes. L and H write _ai_, _ay_, _ei_, and _ey_ without distinction. Cf.
1087-8 L, 1361-2 C, 1399-1400, etc.
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