Kinship and Social OrganisationRivers, W. H. R. (William Halse Rivers)
General
Kinship and Social Organisation
Rivers, W. H. R. (William Halse Rivers)
Anthropology; Consanguinity; Ethnology -- Melanesia; Marriage
Among a number of branches of the Dakotas the evidence is of a
different kind, being derived from similar nomenclature for the
cross-cousin and certain kinds of brother- and sister-in-law.
Morgan[23] has recorded eight systems, all of which show the features
in question, but I will consider here only that of the Isauntie or
Santee Dakotas, which was collected for him by the Rev. S. R. Riggs.
Riggs[24] and Dorsey[25] have given independent accounts of this system
which are far less complete than that given by Morgan, but agree with
it in all essentials.
[23] _Loc. cit._
[24] _Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography: Contributions to North
American Ethnology_, Washington, vol. ix.
[25] Preface to above.
In this system a man calls the son of his mother’s brother or of
his father’s sister _ta-hang-she_ or _tang-hang-she_, while his
wife’s brother and his sister’s husband are _ta-hang_ or _tang-hang_.
Similarly, a woman calls her cross-cousin _she-chay-she_, while her
husband’s brother and her sister’s husband are called _she-chay_. The
terms for brothers-in-law are thus the same as those for cross-cousins
with the omission of the suffix _she_. One of these resemblances, that
when a woman is speaking, has been cited by Professor Kroeber[26] as an
example of the psychological causation of such features of relationship
as I am considering in these lectures. He rejects its dependence on the
cross-cousin marriage and refers the resemblance to the psychological
similarity between a woman’s cousin and her brother-in-law in that both
are collateral relatives alike in sex, of the same generation as the
speaker, but different from her in sex.
[26] _Op. cit._, p. 82.
As we have seen, however, the Dakota correspondence is not an isolated
occurrence, but fits in with a number of other features of the systems
of cognate peoples to form a body of evidence pointing to the former
prevalence of the cross-cousin marriage.
There is also indirect evidence leading in the same direction. In
Melanesia there is reason to believe that the cross-cousin marriage
stands in a definite relation to another form of marriage, that with
the wife of the mother’s brother. If there should be evidence for the
former existence of this marriage in North America, it would increase
the probability in favour of the cross-cousin marriage.
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