Labour and the Popular WelfareMallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
General
Labour and the Popular Welfare
Mallock, W. H. (William Hurrell)
Labor; Labor movement; Socialism; Working class
◆¹ But before proceeding to this inquiry, there is a preliminary
question to be disposed of. What is the maximum increase which any
conceivable legislation could conceivably secure for them out of the
existing resources of the country? Not only unscrupulous agitators, but
many conscientious reformers, speak of the results to be hoped for from
a better distribution of riches, in terms so exaggerated as to have
no relation to facts; and ideas of the wildest kind are very widely
diffused as to the degree of opulence which it would be possible to
secure for all. The consequence is that at the present moment popular
cupidity has no rational standard. It will therefore be well, before
we go further, to reduce these ideas—I do not say to the limits
which facts will warrant—but to the limits which facts set on what is
theoretically and conceivably possible.
[Sidenote ◆1 An ascertainable limit is placed to this amount by
circumstances.]
[Sidenote ◆2 And this amount would be obtainable only under
certain conditions,]
◆¹ Let me then call attention to the self-evident truth, that the
largest income which could possibly be secured for everybody, could not
be more than an equal share of the actual gross income enjoyed by the
entire nation. Now it happens that we know with substantial accuracy
what the gross amount of the income of the nation now is, and I will
presently show what is the utmost which each individual could hope for
from the most successful attempt at a redistribution of everything. ◆²
But the mere pecuniary results of a revolution of this kind are not the
only results of which we must take account. There are others which it
will be well to glance at before proceeding to our figures.
[Sidenote ◆1 One of which would entirely change the existing
character of wealth.]
◆¹ Though an equal division of wealth would, as we soon shall see,
bring a large addition to the income of a considerable majority of
the nation, the advantages which the recipients would gain from this
addition, would be very different from the advantages which an
individual would gain now, from the same annual sum coming to him from
invested capital. In other words, if wealth were equally distributed,
it would, from the very necessity of the case, lose half the qualities
for which it is at present most coveted.
[Sidenote ◆1 Were wealth equally distributed, nobody would have an
independence.]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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