My criticisms, I trust, will leave no rancour; I have stated my views with directness, but in words I have weighed, and there is nothing behind them, for I am neither an employer nor a politician. I am but anxious to see a brotherly, just and nation-saving solution of the problem. Labour and I have had many a fierce tussle in the past, but I think we have learned to respect each other. No section of the community so revels in and honours straightforward and downright criticism as does Labour, provided it is really honest and the critic is sincere. It is something to be able to say, after so much official controversy as I have had, that on no occasion did we ever descend from discussing principles to personalities. I hope this book may not contain a single involuntary lapse from that standard, as I count myself fortunate, in spite of acute differences in economic views, to enjoy the friendship of many persons, both great and humble, in the Labour movement, a valued possession I would not lightly jeopardize. It is with principles, and principles only, that this book is concerned, and not with persons. Part I THE LABOUR PARTY’S FALSE POLICY CHAPTER I THE LABOUR PARTY’S CONSTITUTION AND ITS DEFECTS Origin of the Labour Party—Reconstitution in 1918—The Trades Union Congress—The National Joint Council—The Parliamentary Labour Party—The Labour Party a Class Party—The Party’s Want of Leadership. There are two great Labour organizations: the Trades Union Congress, with its Executive, the General Council, which represents the industrial wing; and the Labour Party, with its National Executive or Executive Committee, representing the political wing. The distinction between industry and politics—at no time kept clear—is fast disappearing. Origin of the Labour Party