Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economicsMacassey, Lynden Livingston
History
Labour policy—false and true : $b A study in economic history and industrial economics
Macassey, Lynden Livingston
Industrial policy -- Great Britain; Labor economics -- Great Britain; Labour Party (Great Britain)
Now domination, or any attempt at, or suspicion of it, is quite
incompatible with co-operation; in fact, the least semblance of it in
industry will speedily kill any latent spirit of co-operation. Nor does
it matter in the slightest on what ground the domination is based or
asserted. It may be on intellectual superiority, technical experience,
organizing capacity, social standing, I care not what; it is the poison
of all industrial harmony. As soon as it appears there is straightway an
end of all co-operation in any democratic organization, and sectarianism
and strife mark the reaction that immediately ensues. Mutual agreement
is the essential basis of co-operation, both from the objective and
subjective points of view. To secure agreement there must be the spirit
to agree, and the existence of that spirit depends almost entirely on
the knowledge and belief that matters of industrial controversy will
be considered and adjusted on principles of justice and equity. My
experience of industry has left me convinced beyond all doubt on one
point—there is, deep down in the heart of the British workman, a sense of
justice and fair-play. Often it takes time and trouble to vitalize it,
to assist it in freeing itself from the tentacles of ignorance, Marxian
sophistry and revolutionary formulae which entangle it, as weeds do a
swimmer struggling to gain the surface, but in the end, if it gets a
chance, it will assuredly triumph.
The Need of Strict Justice
The unenlightened employer has not yet given it a chance. He does not
believe in its existence, nor in its efficacy as a moderating influence.
There are no conceivable circumstances, he will tell you, which Labour
will not unjustly use for its own aggrandisement, if an opportunity
coincides with power. That in the past has, unfortunately, been the
tradition on the part of reactionary employers no less than on the part
of Labour. In regard to either justification or excuse, no distinction
whatsoever can be drawn between the two. Propositions and proposals
founded on equity and reason can, with confidence, be submitted to the
workman’s sense of justice. In many instances during the war, I have
appealed to this sense of justice with signal success in shop matters
of peculiarly acute trade controversy. Even in regard to victimization
disputes, always formidable questions, productive often of almost
intractable controversy, that is to say, cases of dismissal, fine
or reducing, on grounds alleged by the men of the prominence of the
“victim” in furthering the interests of his Trade Union, or because of
alleged breaches of unwritten shop law, invented, it would be said, by
some vindictive foreman. When masters and men have failed to adjust the
difference—the former taking their stand on “their right to maintain
discipline,” the latter on their duty “to protect their Trade Union
interests”—I have invariably found it possible to settle the dispute by
getting down to principles of fair-play.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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