Last winter in the United States : $b being table talk collected during a tour through the late Southern Confederation, the Far West, the Rocky Mountains, &c.Zincke, F. Barham (Foster Barham)
History
Last winter in the United States : $b being table talk collected during a tour through the late Southern Confederation, the Far West, the Rocky Mountains, &c.
Zincke, F. Barham (Foster Barham)
United States -- Description and travel; United States -- Social life and customs -- 1865-1918
The method of reasoning contained in the gaunt old gentleman’s argument
against the payment of debts by republicans is, as I observed, very
frequently used and very well received in the United States. It is
worth noticing, because it is a method that is seldom used and never
accepted on this side the water. It proceeds by assuming the truth
of some abstract propositions, of which neither truth nor falsehood
can properly be predicated, but which a half-instructed audience is
always ready to accept, and then goes on to apply them to some question
on which they appear to have a bearing, and which happens to be
interesting at the moment. For instance, I was speaking on the subject
of negro suffrage with one of the leading supporters of that concession
in the South. An Englishman would probably have confined himself to the
consideration of the fitness of the African for so important a part in
the government of the country. My American friend contented himself
with a kind of numerical formula. ‘Suppose,’ he said, ‘the grown-up
male population of the country is represented by the number 100. By
excluding the negroes from the franchise, you reduce the voters to
about one-half, that is 50. But, in a constituency of 50, a majority of
26 will rule. That is to say, 26 will rule 100. That is bad, but it is
not all the evil of the restriction. In small bodies it is generally
found that one resolute mind takes the lead. The result therefore would
be that one would rule the 100. All this would be the consequence of
departing from the simple republican rule of giving the vote equally
to all.’ The gentleman had this formularised argument in favour of the
admission of the African to equal political power with the white race
drawn out on a paper, which he took from his pocket-book and showed
me—I quite believe, with the idea that I should find it unanswerable.
It was all in vain that I pointed out to him that his argument was so
abstract that it omitted all consideration of every one of the actual
conditions of the question. He himself was thoroughly persuaded of its
conclusiveness.
[Sidenote: _Americans addicted to Abstract Reasoning._]
Another argument of just the same kind, but which aimed at the opposite
conclusion, was frequently urged upon me. ‘Have you read,’ I was asked,
‘Bishop ——’s book?’ I forget the name of the ingenious prelate. ‘He
has demonstrated that the negro is not a man. No human being was saved
from the Flood except Noah’s family, and it is quite impossible that he
could have had a negro son. The negro must therefore at that time have
been regarded as a brute beast. And as Noah was acting under Divine
guidance, he could not have been wrong in his estimate of the negro.
And the negro cannot be any better now than he was then, for a brute
beast can never become a man. We therefore are justified in looking
upon him just as Noah looked upon him, and in supposing that he is of
the gorilla race, only a little improved.’
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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