He goes on to review the German peril, the North American peril, and the Japanese peril. He does not fail to realise the extent of the first named, and he complains of the progress of the commercial immigration of Germans, especially in the southern provinces of Brazil; but he considers that the German element, in the very process of fecundation, will disappear amidst the mass of the nation. He is, on the other hand, very keenly concerned with the North American peril. Not that he fails to do justice to the marvellous qualities of the Anglo-Saxon race; not that he is indifferent to the prestige of the great northern Republic, or that he is forgetful of its services to the cause of American autonomy; but he feels the increasing weight of a tutelage originally beneficent, and anxiously demands, _Quis custodiet custodem_? He is not oblivious of the fact that the Monroe doctrine is changing, that it has insensibly passed from the defensive to intervention, and from intervention to conquest, and this metamorphosis gives him food for reflection. Whatever the qualities of Yankee civilisation, it is not Latin civilisation, and {13} M. Calderon would not have the latter sacrificed to the former. He implores South America to defend itself against the danger of a Saxon hegemony, to enrich itself by means of European influences, to encourage French and Italian immigration, and to purify its races by an influx of new blood. In the Japanese, as in the German, M. Calderon sees an indefatigable emissary of the Imperialist idea. According to him, no antagonism is more irreducible than that of America and Japan. Japanese artisans are invading the shipyards and foundries of Chili, Peru, and Brazil. They form a refractory element which will never be assimilated. He foresees that the supremacy of Japan may shortly extend over the entire Pacific, and that the whole of America will find it no trivial task to oppose this formidable power. From beginning to end of this book we hear the rallying-cry of the Latin republics. I believe that at heart M. Calderon regrets the excessive division of the states of South America. But the problem of unity, often brought to the fore in congresses and conferences, appears to him insoluble, and in default of this he would be content with intellectual alliances, with economic or fiscal unions, which would still permit the various republics to draw nearer to one another, to know one another better, and in time and on occasion to associate their defensive efforts. I do not feel competent to criticise the advice which M. Calderon offers his compatriots. In particular I cannot speak of his opinions concerning the presidential system in the republics of South America, and their constitutional methods, which differ so sensibly from our French parliamentary methods.