Lectures on ancient ethnography and geography, volume 1 (of 2) : $b comprising Greece and her colonies, Epirus, Macedonia, Illyricum, Italy, Gaul, Spain, Britain, the north of Africa, etc. — John Shaqi
Lectures on ancient ethnography and geography, volume 1 (of 2) : $b comprising Greece and her colonies, Epirus, Macedonia, Illyricum, Italy, Gaul, Spain, Britain, the north of Africa, etc.Niebuhr, Barthold Georg
History
Lectures on ancient ethnography and geography, volume 1 (of 2) : $b comprising Greece and her colonies, Epirus, Macedonia, Illyricum, Italy, Gaul, Spain, Britain, the north of Africa, etc.
Niebuhr, Barthold Georg
Ethnology; Geography, Ancient; History, Ancient
The history of ancient geography and ethnography after the revival
of letters, is the same as that of all other studies connected with
the investigation of antiquity. After the restoration of learning,
all information about ancient geography was sought exclusively in the
ancient authors; the whole of the middle ages had added nothing to it;
whatever advances were made, proceeded from practical men, and not from
the learned. The consequence of this state of things was the unfortunate
separation of dead learning from practical life: the knowledge of the
learned had its root in their books, and was thereby spoiled in its very
beginning; it is true, all erudition is based on books, but it must be
amalgamated with practical knowledge. To transfer that which was handed
down in books to the actual, visible world was a very difficult task,
and the acquisition of practical experience was no part of a scholar’s
business. This state of things remained the prevailing evil until the
17th century; and during that period, the ἰδιῶται were much more learned
than the λόγιοι. The first attempts of geographers consisted of lifeless
compilations from ancient books; and only that which was not found in
them was sparingly derived from the actual and living knowledge. The most
striking example of this kind is Raphael Volaterranus, in that part of
his Encyclopaedia, in which he treats of geography; for in describing the
countries of Europe, which had become entirely changed, he copies Pliny
and Mela, and it is not till they cease to furnish him with information,
that he borrows a few things from the actual knowledge of his time.
Although he lived at Rome, he describes it as it had been a thousand
years before him. In the East, and especially at Constantinople, the maps
of Ptolemy were used throughout the middle ages—whether the same was
the case in Italy, I cannot decide; the earliest Italian maps are not
older than the fifteenth century. The maps of Ptolemy were then brought
over to the western countries; and from them the learned formed some
sort of notion of the geographical and ethnographical knowledge of the
ancients. But as early as the thirteenth century—the Arabs had done so
even before—the Venetians, Genoese, and Catalanians had become acquainted
with the Greek and Arabic maps, and it was these unlearned men that,
in extending geographical knowledge, took these maps as their basis,
and remodelled them into new and practical maps, especially sea-charts,
which they had so much improved. But this was unknown to the scholars
of the fifteenth century; and even in the sixteenth, their ignorance is
almost inconceivable. It was not till the seventeenth century that the
nations of western Europe arrived at the age of maturity; that century
checked this irrational philological tendency, and for a time, philology
itself; it gave a different direction to scholarship, and thus laid the
foundation of our modern philology. The time had now come, when a living
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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