Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
196. The answer is that there are two reasons for holding that
the state neither can nor should attempt to adjust the amount of
punishment which it inflicts on a crime to the degree of moral
depravity which the crime implies. (1) That the degree of moral
depravity implied in any crime is unascertainable. It depends on the
motive of the crime, and on this as part of the general character of
the agent; on the relation in which the habitual set of his character
stands to the character habitually set on the pursuit of goodness. No
one can ascertain this in regard to himself. He may know that he is
always far from being what he ought to be; that one particular action
of his represents on the whole, with much admixture of inferior
motives; the better tendency; another, with some admixture of better
motives, the worse. But any question in regard to the degree of
moral goodness or badness in any action of his own or of his most
intimate friend is quite unanswerable. Much less can a judge or jury
answer such a question in regard to an unknown criminal. We may be
sure indeed that any ordinary crime--nay, perhaps even that of the
'disinterested rebel'--implies the operation of some motive which
is morally bad, for though it is not necessarily the worst men who
come into conflict with established rights, it probably never can be
the best; but the degree of badness implied in such a conflict in
any particular case is quite beyond our ken, and it is this degree
that must be ascertained if the amount of punishment which the state
inflicts is to be proportionate to the moral badness implied in the
crime. (2) The notion that the state should, if it could, adjust
the amount of punishment which it inflicts on a crime to the moral
wickedness of the crime, rests on a false view of the relation of
the state to morality. It implies that it is the business of the
state to punish wickedness, as such. But it has no such business. It
cannot undertake to punish wickedness, as such, without vitiating
the disinterestedness of the effort to escape wickedness, and thus
checking the growth of a true goodness of the heart in the attempt to
promote a goodness which is merely on the surface. This, however, is
not to be understood as meaning that the punishment of crime serves
no moral purpose. It does serve such a purpose, and has its value
in doing so, but only in the sense that the protection of rights,
and the association of terror with their violation, is the condition
antecedent of any general advance in moral well-being.
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