Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
197. The punishment of crime, then, neither is, nor can, nor should
be adjusted to the degree of moral depravity, properly so called,
which is implied in the crime. But it does not therefore follow that
it does not represent the disapproval which the community feels for
the crime. On the whole, making allowance for the fact that law
and judicial custom vary more slowly than popular feeling, it does
represent such disapproval. And the disapproval may fitly be called
moral, so far as that merely means that it is a disapproval relating
to voluntary action. But it is a disapproval founded on a sense of
what is necessary for the protection of rights, not on a judgment
of good and evil of that kind which we call conscience when it is
applied to our own actions, and which is founded on an ideal of
moral goodness with which we compare our inward conduct ('inward,'
as representing motives and character). It is founded essentially on
the outward aspect of a man's conduct, on the view of it as related
to the security and freedom in action and acquisition of other
members of society. It is true that this distinction between the
outward and inward aspects of conduct is not present to the popular
mind. It has not been recognised by those who have been the agents
in establishing the existing law of crimes in civilised nations.
As the state came to control the individual or family in revenging
hurts, and to substitute its penalties for private vengeance, rules
of punishment came to be enacted expressive of general disapproval,
without any clear consciousness of what was the ground of the
disapproval. But in fact it was by what have been just described as
the outward consequences of conduct that a general disapproval of
it was ordinarily excited. Its morality in the stricter or inward
sense was not matter of general social consideration. Thus in the
main it has been on the ground of its interference with the general
security and freedom in action and acquisition, and in proportion
to the apprehension excited by it in this respect, that conduct has
been punished by the state. Thus the actual practice of criminal
law has on the whole corresponded to its true principle. So far as
this principle has been departed from, it has not been because the
moral badness of conduct, in the true or inward sense, has been
taken account of in its treatment as a crime, for this has not been
generally contemplated at all, but because 'religious' considerations
have interfered. Conduct which did not call for punishment by the
state as interfering with any true rights (rights that should be
rights) has been punished as 'irreligious.' This, however, did not
mean that it was punished on the ground of moral badness, properly
so called. It meant that its consequences were feared either as
likely to weaken the belief in some divine authority on which the
established system of rights was supposed to rest, or as likely to
bring evil on the community through provoking the wrath of some
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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