Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
5. There is, no doubt, truth in this view. I have already tried to
show [1] how the self-distinguishing and self-seeking consciousness
of man, acting in and upon those human wants and ties and affections
which in their proper human character have as little reality apart
from it as it apart from them, gives rise to a system of social
relations, with laws, customs, and institutions corresponding; and
how in this system the individual's consciousness of the absolutely
desirable, of something that should be, of an ideal to be realised
in his life, finds a content or object which has been constituted
or brought into being by that consciousness itself as working
through generations of men; how interests are thus supplied to the
man of a more concrete kind than the interest in fulfilment of a
universally binding law because universally binding, but which yet
are the product of reason, and in satisfying which he is conscious
of attaining a true good, a good contributory to the perfection
of himself and his kind. There is thus something in all forms of
society that tends to the freedom [2] at least of some favoured
individuals, because it tends to actualise in them the possibility of
that determination by objects conceived as desirable in distinction
from objects momentarily desired, which is determination by reason.
[3] To put it otherwise, the effect of his social relations on a man
thus favoured is that, whereas in all willing the individual seeks to
satisfy himself, this man seeks to satisfy himself, not as one who
feels this or that desire, but as one who conceives, whose nature
demands, a permanent good. So far as it is thus in respect of his
rational nature that he makes himself an object to himself, his will
is autonomous. This was the good which the ideal πόλις, as conceived
by the Greek philosophers, secured for the true πολίτης, the man who,
entering into the idea of the πόλις, was equally qualified ἄρχειν
καὶ ἄρχεσθαι. [4] No doubt in the actual Greek πόλις there was some
tendency in this direction, some tendency to rationalise and moralise
the citizen. Without the real tendency the ideal possibility would
not have suggested itself. And in more primitive forms of society, so
far as they were based on family or tribal relations, we can see that
the same tendency must have been at work, just as in modern life the
consciousness of his position as member or head of a family, wherever
it exists, necessarily does something to moralise a man. In modern
Christendom, with the extension of citizenship, the security of
family life to all men (so far as law and police can secure it), the
establishment in various forms of Christian fellowship of which the
moralising functions grow as those of the magistrate diminish, the
number of individuals whom society awakens to interests in objects
contributory to human perfection tends to increase. So far the modern
state, in that full sense in which Hegel uses the term (as including
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