Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
(1) There is good reason why the state should not take upon itself
to institute charges of adultery, but leave them to be instituted
by the individuals whose rights the adultery violates. The reasons
ordinarily alleged would be, _(a)_ the analogy of ordinary breaches
of contract, against which the state leaves it to the individual
injured to set the law in motion; _(b)_ the practical impossibility
of preventing adultery through the action of the functionaries of
the state. The analogy, however, from ordinary breaches of contract
does not really hold. In the first place, though marriage involves
contract, though without contract there can be no marriage, yet
marriage at once gives rise to rights and obligations of a kind
which cannot arise out of contract, in particular to obligations
towards the children born of the marriage. These children, at any
rate, are in no condition to seek redress--even if from the nature
of the case redress could be had--for the injuries inflicted on
them by a parent's adultery, as a person injured by a breach of
contract can seek redress for it. Again, though the state leaves
it to the individual injured by a breach of contract to institute
proceedings for redress, if the breach involves fraud, it, at any
rate in certain cases, treats the fraud as a crime and punishes. Now
in every breach of the marriage-contract by adultery there is that
which answers to fraud in the case of ordinary breach of contract.
The marriage-contract is broken knowingly and intentionally. If there
were no reason to the contrary, then, it would seem that the state,
though it might leave to the injured individuals the institution of
proceedings against adultery, should yet treat adultery as a crime
and seek to prevent it by punishment in the interest of those whose
virtual rights are violated by it, though not in the way of breach of
contract. But there are reasons to the contrary--reasons that arise
out of the moral purposes served by the marriage-tie--which make it
desirable both that it should be at the discretion of the directly
injured party whether a case of adultery should be judicially dealt
with at all, and that in no case should penal terror be associated
with such a violation of the marriage-bond Under ordinary conditions,
it is a public injury that a violation of his rights should be
condoned by the person suffering it. If the injured individual were
likely to fail in the institution of proceedings for his own redress
or defence, the public interest would require that the matter should
be taken out of his hands. But if an injured wife or husband is
willing to condone a breach of his or her rights through adultery,
it is generally best that it should be condoned. That married life
should be continued in spite of anything like dissoluteness on
the part of husband or wife, is no doubt undesirable. The moral
purposes which married life should serve cannot be served, either
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