Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard BosanquetGreen, Thomas Hill
Philosophy
Lectures on the Principles of Political Obligation: Reprinted from Green's Philosophical Works, vol. II., with Preface by Bernard Bosanquet
Green, Thomas Hill
Liberty; Natural law; Political obligation
35. It would seem to follow from the above that a state can do no
wrong, in the sense that there are no rights that it can violate.
The same principle is applicable to it as to the individual. 'In
statu naturali non dari peccatum, vel si quis peccat, is sibi, non
alteri peccat: ... nihil absolute naturae jure prohibetur, nisi quod
nemo potest' (II. 18). A state is to any other state, and to its
subjects, as one individual to another 'in statu naturali.' A wrong,
a 'peccatum,' consists in a violation by individuals of the 'commune
decretum.' There can be no 'peccare' on the part of the 'commune
decretum' itself. But 'non id omne, quod jure fieri dicimus, optime
fieri affirmamus. Aliud namque est agrum jure colere, aliud agrum
optime colere; aliud, inquam, est sese jure defendere, conservare,
judicium ferre, &c, aliud sese optime defendere, conservare, atque
optimum judicium ferre; et consequenter aliud est jure imperare
et reipublicae curam habere, aliud optime imperare et rempublicam
optime gubernare. Postquam itaque de jure cujuscumque civitatis in
genere egimus, tempus est, ut de optimo cujuscumque imperii statu
agamus' (V. 1). Hence a further consideration 'de optimo cujusque
imperii statu.' This is guided by reference to the 'finis status
civilis,' which is 'pax vitaeque securitas.' Accordingly that is the
best government under which men live in harmony, and of which the
rights are kept inviolate. Where this is not the case, the fault lies
with the government, not with any 'subditorum malitia.' 'Homines
enim civiles non nascuntur, sed fiunt. Hominum praeterea naturales
affectus ubique iidem sunt' (V. 2).
The end is not fully attained where men are merely kept in order
by fear. Such a state of things is not peace but merely absence of
war. 'Pax enim non belli privatio, sed virtus est, quae ex animi
fortitudine oritur;[1] est namque obsequium constans voluntas id
exsequendi, quod ex communi civitatis decreto fieri debet' (V. 4).
The 'peace,' then, which it is the end of the state to obtain,
consists in rational virtue; in a common mind, governed by desire on
the part of each individual for perfection of being in himself and
others. The harmony of life, too, which is another way of expressing
its object, is to be understood in an equally high sense. The life
spoken of is one 'quae maxime ratione, vera mentis virtute et vita,
definitur.'
The 'imperium' which is to contribute to this end must clearly be one
'quod multitudo libera instituit, non autem id, quod in multitudinem
jure belli acquiritur.' Between the two forms of 'imperium' there
may be no essential difference in respect of the 'jus' which belongs
to each, but there is the greatest in respect of the ends which they
serve as well as in the means by which they have to be maintained (V.
6).
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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