Letters and Discussions on the Formation of Colored Regiments,: and the Duty of the Colored People in Regard to the Great Slaveholders' Rebellion, in the United States of America — John Shaqi
Letters and Discussions on the Formation of Colored Regiments,: and the Duty of the Colored People in Regard to the Great Slaveholders' Rebellion, in the United States of AmericaGreen, Alfred M.
History
Letters and Discussions on the Formation of Colored Regiments,: and the Duty of the Colored People in Regard to the Great Slaveholders' Rebellion, in the United States of America
Green, Alfred M.
United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Participation, African American
I admit that there is less activity in the right direction than advisable
or beneficial to our cause, but never have our people displayed more
wisdom than the present in refraining from initiating or making
demonstrations of war measures. In that particular, discretion has marked
their action—I, for one, must give them credit. That grasping the sword
will emancipate us from prejudice, from slavery, may be well enough
to declaim, but will it bear questioning? He intimates that it will
emancipate us from our now unhappy and heart-crushing disabilities, will
take the manacles from our limbs, remove the obstacles that debar our
elevation to the equality to which we aspire.
I have yet to learn that these are practical established facts; it may be
clear to the mind of Mr. G., but he must make it appear so by something
more than simple declamation.
Who accuses us of cowardice? No one, unless it be my honorable opponent.
Can we purchase freedom and independence by the sacrifice of thousands of
our unfortunate people, in belligerent opposition to those who have the
prëeminence in position, power and influence; whose numerical strength
is ten times that of our own? We may sell our lives dearly, carry
havoc and destruction into the ranks of our enemies, but the numerical
preponderance, the unlimited means at their control, must force us to
succumb or cease to exist on this continent as a race. All reason and
experience will decide that—look at it as you may. The history of the
Aborigines of this country must satisfy you of the force of this mode of
reasoning.
To contend against the government then with any hope of success, is vain
and not worthy of the time we spend in discussing it.
Admitting, for mere argument, that the government would accept our
services, how could we, more than the commander of the West, General
Fremont, influence the policy of the administration to our liberation or
emancipation from prejudice and slavery? No, my friends, your reason must
answer, no!—no fighting will emancipate you from prejudice. Will any one
tell me that to-day a poor man, of little or no intellectual cultivation,
from the Independent Government of Hayti, will be more respected in this
or any country than one of the native born of this country, of our color?
Did they not wield both fire and sword fiercely, to desperation, for the
liberties they now enjoy? But to command respect, wealth and education
must do it—_they_ will do more towards destroying that prejudice which
darkens our existence than all the fighting we can effect under the most
favorable circumstances.
Mr. G. tells us that we should make ourselves felt. In that I agree with
him; but may we not question the manner in which we can do it the more
effectually.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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