Letters and Discussions on the Formation of Colored Regiments,: and the Duty of the Colored People in Regard to the Great Slaveholders' Rebellion, in the United States of AmericaGreen, Alfred M.
History
Letters and Discussions on the Formation of Colored Regiments,: and the Duty of the Colored People in Regard to the Great Slaveholders' Rebellion, in the United States of America
Green, Alfred M.
United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Participation, African American
would I do it, whatever the consequences of a refusal might involve in
such a case.
As I before stated, I have a motive, and an honorable and just policy
to be effected by the position I have assumed on this question, and
that policy must be accomplished through the issues arising out of this
great revolution, or rebellion, as you may choose to style it. I can
realize the necessity of a brother even shooting a brother, or of a
father shooting a son, in behalf of the government, among the whites—for
with them it is like Absalom’s rebellion against the house of King
David. The South, and all who aid them, are fighting for a principle
that anticipates the subversion of every principle of justice, and the
overthrow of the best and most liberal government the sun ever shone
upon. It is the right, therefore, of all white men who love government
and the blessings guaranteed to them by the government of the United
States, and who believe that “a house divided against itself cannot
stand,” to defend it even with the shedding of their own kindred blood,
to put down treason and rebellion, and maintain the Constitution and
the laws. With us it is different—it is different with the slaves and
free people of the South—and it is equally so with us. There can be no
comparison of the patriotism required to produce such a feeling in us,
and that which actuates white men in the same direction. Finding myself
greatly deficient when measured by such a standard, and learning that
this was the one by which white men measured for us, I have chosen to
make known my devotion to the government, and my willingness to serve it
in any just and honorable way. But to set myself boldly in the way of any
principle or theory, originating from whence it may, that might serve to
decoy my brethren, and lead them indiscriminately into the field, with
no other motive or purpose than to serve the doubly rapacious desire
of unworthy and unjust, hatefully prejudiced men against ourselves, as
well as those poor, friendless men they would have us fight, and who,
by a proper appreciation of the government paid to their defenceless
and unhappy condition, would settle half the bill with their masters,
and leave them an easy prey to the popular government, instead of being
compelled by the menacing attitude of both North and South, to take sides
against the former, even though they should have to settle with masters
whom they well understand afterwards—in such an event, I will never, nor
will a single man of the hundreds of my acquaintances, take sides with
the milk-and-water policy now manifested by the leaders of the United
States forces, though it is evident that they neither reflect the popular
sentiment of the people, or the policy of the Administration, only so far
as that policy is modulated by circumstances brought about by the long
reign of Hunker Democracy, whose demagogues early sought for place and
position in the army, since they could not get them by the voice of the
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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