People seem to resign themselves to the existence of a corrupt House
of Assembly as to a necessary evil, a thing inevitable. I have heard
the free-trade party blamed for not _buying_, as it is said they
easily might have done, sufficient support to enable them to establish
their policy. Such an opinion sounds horrible enough in the mouth
of an honourable man. It reminds one of the purchase of the Irish
Parliament in 1800, which few will say was not necessary to be done,
and which was done by honest men, though it would puzzle a casuist to
justify it. The judge who tried the case of _Sands_ v. _Armstrong_,
in his summing-up declared that the evidence had made him a convert
to the proposal of payment of Members, for that, as they gained no
credit or social distinction by their membership, they expected a
pecuniary consideration for their trouble, and it was better for them
to get it honestly and above-board than dishonestly. The House, it
seems, thinks so too, for by a majority of 22 to 10, the other day,
they patriotically voted that they ought to be paid. The Council will
probably throw out the Bill, for it may be doubted whether a moderate
salary would suffice to induce a rogue even to confine his rogueries
within the bounds of decency.
These things being so in Victoria, and being no secret, but in every
man’s mouth, it is not a little humiliating to find the peculiar
institutions under which such abuses thrive, held up, in a volume
of _Essays on Reform_, apparently as a pattern by which England may
profit in remodelling her own. I have neither space nor inclination to
examine the essay in detail. The account which it gives of Australian
prosperity is, no doubt, true enough. Indeed, as regards Victoria,
nobody need be otherwise than sanguine about the ultimate prospects of
a colony of such extraordinary natural wealth. It will require very
bad legislation, and a very bad legislature indeed, to inflict any
irretrievable blow on its material prosperity. The Council is as yet
sound, and works well. Above all, the Bench is excellently filled. It
is true that there are many unrefined and wholly uneducated persons
in the wealthiest class; the largest proprietor (in fee) of land in
Australia, and probably in the world, was once a retail butcher. But
this will right itself by degrees. And, on the other hand, the lowest
class in Victoria is decidedly superior in energy and intelligence to
the same class in England, as is to be expected of the first generation
of colonists who have come out each of his own individual will, and
not forced in a promiscuous mass by any political convulsion. It is a
pleasure to see a man breaking stones on the road, he does it with such
vigour, and one knows he is earning thereby about five shillings a day,
and not only a pittance at the workhouse. Victorian society is like
English, with a thick slice cut off the top and a thin slice off the
bottom. There is, perhaps, more to be said for universal suffrage in
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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