Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1837-1901; Liberalism -- Great Britain
working to the exclusive benefit of individuals and the prejudice of the
common weal, it has good ground for the suppression of those forms of
property, while it may, with equal justice, maintain other forms of
property which it holds sound as judged by the effect on the common
welfare. It is limited by no "imprescriptible" right of the individual.
It may do with the individual what it pleases provided that it has the
good of the whole in view. So far as the question of right is concerned
the Benthamite principle might be regarded as decidedly socialistic or
even authoritarian. It contemplates, at least as a possibility, the
complete subordination of individual to social claims.
There is, however, another side to the Benthamite principle, to
understand which we must state the heads of the theory itself as a
positive doctrine. What is this social utility of which we have spoken?
In what does it consist? What is useful to society, and what harmful?
The answer has the merit of great clearness and simplicity. An action
is good which tends to promote the greatest possible happiness of the
greatest possible number of those affected by it. As with an action, so,
of course, with an institution or a social system. That is useful which
conforms to this principle. That is harmful which conflicts with it.
That is right which conforms to it, that is wrong which conflicts with
it. The greatest happiness principle is the one and supreme principle of
conduct. Observe that it imposes on us two considerations. One is the
_greatest_ happiness. Now happiness is defined as consisting positively
in the presence of pleasure, negatively in the absence of pain. A
greater pleasure is then preferable to a lesser, a pleasure
unaccompanied by pain to one involving pain. Conceiving pain as a minus
quantity of pleasure, we may say that the principle requires us always
to take quantity and pleasure into account, and nothing else. But,
secondly, the _number_ of individuals affected is material. An act might
cause pleasure to one and pain to two. Then it is wrong, unless, indeed,
the pleasure were very great and the pain in each case small. We must
balance the consequences, taking all individuals affected into account,
and "everybody must count for one and nobody for more than one." This
comment is an integral part of the original formula. As between the
happiness of his father, his child, or himself, and the happiness of a
stranger, a man must be impartial. He must only consider the quantity of
pleasure secured or pain inflicted.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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