Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1837-1901; Liberalism -- Great Britain
We may go further. The case of the contemplated tax is, as applied to
the politics of a modern State, an unreal one. Political questions
cannot be thus isolated. Even if we could vote by referendum on a
special tax, the question which voters would have to consider would
never be the revenue from and the incidence of that tax alone. All the
indirect social and economic bearings of the tax would come up for
consideration, and in the illustration chosen people would be swayed,
and rightly swayed, by their opinion, for example, of the comparative
effects of tea-drinking and wine-drinking. No one element of the social
life stands separate from the rest, any more than any one element of the
animal body stands separate from the rest. In this sense the life of
society is rightly held to be organic, and all considered public policy
must be conceived in its bearing on the life of society as a whole. But
the moment that we apply this view to politics, the Benthamite mode of
stating the case for democracy is seen to be insufficient. The interests
of every man are no doubt in the end bound up with the welfare of the
whole community, but the relation is infinitely subtle and indirect.
Moreover, it takes time to work itself out, and the evil that is done in
the present day may only bear fruit when the generation that has done it
has passed away. Thus, the direct and calculable benefit of the majority
may by no means coincide with the ultimate good of society as a whole;
and to suppose that the majority must, on grounds of self-interest,
govern in the interests of the community as a whole is in reality to
attribute to the mass of men full insight into problems which tax the
highest efforts of science and of statesmanship. Lastly, to suppose that
men are governed entirely by a sense of their interests is a many-sided
fallacy. Men are neither so intelligent nor so selfish. They are swayed
by emotion and by impulse, and both for good and for evil they will lend
enthusiastic support to courses of public policy from which, as
individuals, they have nothing to gain. To understand the real value of
democratic government, we shall have to probe far deeper into the
relations of the individual and society.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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