And yet controversialists rarely take this into account. The battle
is fought with banners on which are inscribed absolute and universal
ideals. They are not absolute and universal in fact. No man has ever
thought out an absolute or a universal ideal in politics, for the
simple reason that nobody knows enough, or can know enough, to do it.
But we all use absolutes, because an ideal which seems to exist apart
from time, space, and circumstance has a prestige that no candid avowal
of special purpose can ever have. Looked at from one point of view
universals are part of the fighting apparatus in men. What they desire
enormously they easily come to call God’s will, or their nation’s
purpose. Looked at genetically, these idealizations are probably
born in that spiritual reverie where all men live most of the time.
In reverie there is neither time, space, nor particular reference,
and hope is omnipotent. This omnipotence, which is denied to them in
action, nevertheless illuminates activity with a sense of utter and
irresistible value.
The classic doctrine of liberty consists of absolutes. It consists
of them except at the critical points where the author has come into
contact with objective difficulties. Then he introduces into the
argument, somewhat furtively, a reservation which liquidates its
universal meaning and reduces the exalted plea for liberty in general
to a special argument for the success of a special purpose.
There are at the present time, for instance, no more fervent champions
of liberty than the western sympathizers with the Russian Soviet
government. Why is it that they are indignant when Mr. Burleson
suppresses a newspaper and complacent when Lenin does? And, _vice
versa_, why is it that the anti-Bolshevist forces in the world are
in favor of restricting constitutional liberty as a preliminary to
establishing genuine liberty in Russia? Clearly the argument about
liberty has little actual relation to the existence of it. It is the
purpose of the social conflict, not the freedom of opinion, that lies
close to the heart of the partisans. The word liberty is a weapon and
an advertisement, but certainly not an ideal which transcends all
special aims.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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