All, moreover, that I am saying of territorial locality, seems to me to apply, with no less emphasis, to what may be termed functional areas also. Everyone acquainted with the history of churches realizes the necessity of leaving them free to develop their own internal life. On matters like ecclesiastical government, dogma, ceremonial, interference by the state is almost invariably disastrous in its results. What is true of churches is true also, _mutatis mutandis_, of other associations. Bodies like the legal and medical professions are much better able to direct their own internal life than to have it directed for them by the state. It is necessary, of course, to prevent them from developing into monopolies; and to that end it is essential to devise a framework of principle within which they must work, to retain, also, the right to its revision from without from time to time. But that said, few would, I think, deny that what we call professional standards, the jealousy for the honour of the profession, the sense of _esprit de corps_, the realization that its members owe to the community something more than the qualities for which payment can be exacted, these things are born of the large degree of freedom to define their own life the professions enjoy. It is, I think, important to extend that notion of self-government beyond the professions. We ought to learn to think of industries like cotton and coal as entities not less real than Lancashire or New York, as capable, therefore, of being organized for the purpose of government. Most of the plans as current today for national economic councils are not, in my judgment, of great value; the satisfactory weighting of the different elements is really insoluble, and any problem that concerns industry as a whole seems to me at once civic in its nature and, therefore, the proper province of the legislative assembly of the state.[26] But these considerations do not apply to industries taken individually, or linked together at special points of intimate contact. It does not seem to me inconceivable that we should create a Parliament for the mining industry, in which capital, management, labour and the consumer, should each have their due representation, and to which should be confided the determination of industrial standards on the model of professional self-government. I should give to this Parliament a power of delegated legislation which would enable it to frame rules of conduct binding upon all the members of the industry. Thus, while Georgia might refuse to pass a child-labour law, a particular industry in Georgia might refuse to allow its members to engage child labour in field or factory. There might be developed in this way a body of industrial legislation and jurisprudence growing naturally out of the experience of those who participate in the operation of the industry, and imposed with a real sense of freedom because it has been developed from within and is not