Life and Death of John of Barneveld, Advocate of Holland : with a view of the primary causes and movements of the Thirty Years' War, 1610c-12Motley, John Lothrop
History
Life and Death of John of Barneveld, Advocate of Holland : with a view of the primary causes and movements of the Thirty Years' War, 1610c-12
Motley, John Lothrop
Oldenbarnevelt, Johan van, 1547-1619; Thirty Years' War, 1618-1648
"Some say," he added, "that on being in England when his Majesty first
came to the throne he conceived some offence, which ever since hath
rankled in his heart, and now doth burst forth with more violent malice."
Nor was the matter so small as it superficially appeared. Dependence of
one nation upon the dictation of another can never be considered
otherwise than grave. The subjection of all citizens, clerical or lay,
to the laws of the land, the supremacy of the State over the Church,
were equally grave subjects. And the question of sovereignty now raised
for the first time, not academically merely, but practically, was the
gravest one of all. It was soon to be mooted vigorously and passionately
whether the United Provinces were a confederacy or a union; a league of
sovereign and independent states bound together by treaty for certain
specified purposes or an incorporated whole. The Advocate and all the
principal lawyers in the country had scarcely a doubt on the subject.
Whether it were a reasonable system or an absurd one, a vigorous or an
imbecile form of government, they were confident that the Union of
Utrecht, made about a generation of mankind before, and the only tie by
which the Provinces were bound together at all, was a compact between
sovereigns.
Barneveld styled himself always the servant and officer of the States of
Holland. To them was his allegiance, for them he spoke, wrought, and
thought, by them his meagre salary was paid. At the congress of the
States-General, the scene of his most important functions, he was the
ambassador of Holland, acting nominally according to their instructions,
and exercising the powers of minister of foreign affairs and, as it were,
prime minister for the other confederates by their common consent. The
system would have been intolerable, the great affairs of war and peace
could never have been carried on so triumphantly, had not the
preponderance of the one province Holland, richer, more powerful,
more important in every way than the other six provinces combined,
given to the confederacy illegally, but virtually, many of the attributes
of union. Rather by usucaption than usurpation Holland had in many
regards come to consider herself and be considered as the Republic
itself. And Barneveld, acting always in the name of Holland and with the
most modest of titles and appointments, was for a long time in all civil
matters the chief of the whole country. This had been convenient during
the war, still more convenient during negotiations for peace, but it was
inevitable that there should be murmurs now that the cessation from
military operations on a large scale had given men time to look more
deeply into the nature of a constitution partly inherited and partly
improvised, and having many of the defects usually incident to both
sources of government.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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