It was in those days a mortal offence to call a man an abolitionist. The
popular mind scarcely distinguished between men who stole horses and men
who freed negroes. They regarded anti-slavery men as robbers, disturbers
of the peace, the instigators of arson, and enemies to the Union which
gave us as a people liberty and strength. "In testimony of these
sentiments, Illinois enacted a 'black code' of most preposterous and
cruel severity,--a code that would have been a disgrace to a slave
state, and was simply an infamy in a free one. It borrowed the
provisions of the most revolting laws known among men, for exiling,
selling, beating, bedeviling, and torturing negroes, whether bond or
free."[122]
[122] Lamon, 206.
That the opposition of slavery was bothering the people of Sangamon
County, is evident from the following resolution adopted at Springfield
in 1837 at a public meeting, over which Judge Brown presided:
"Resolved that in the opinion of this meeting the doctrine of the
immediate emancipation of the slaves of this country (although
promulgated by those who profess to be Christians) is at variance with
Christianity, and its tendency is to breed contention, broil and mobs;
and the leaders of those calling themselves Abolitionists are designing
ambitious men and dangerous members of society and should be shunned by
all good citizens."[123]
[123] History of Sangamon County, 251.
Illinois would scarcely brook unchained utterance on the darkest
question of all the ages,--the "right of one man to eat the bread which
another earned." A kind of stifling ostracism awaited the lowly or the
towering disciple who spoke in the language of Jefferson, of the fear
awakening problem. Every generation has its remorseless method of
crucifying its heroes of speech and deed. Business and political
interests, social influences and religious affiliations concerted in the
crushing of abolitionism. Success might have crowned their effort had
prudence been their companion, but they mobbed, maltreated, and even
murdered the champions of the new movement. Had madness confounded them,
they could not have acted more unwisely. This, more than all the
agitation of abolition leaders, quickened the moral vitality of the
people. There were many white men who cared little for the slave, but
much for the gospel of free speech as old as the Anglo-Saxon race. This
fatal policy of brute force finally dictated the doom of a power that
long mocked all opposition, that dreamed of an imperial government
grander than the vision which "Stout Cortez" beheld when he first stared
at the Pacific, "silent on a peak in Darien."
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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