as to the primitive Christians, the real defects so natural in their
position, the false merits ascribed to them by writers who from one
reason or another desired to treat them as ‘an authority.’
On the whole, therefore, it may be said of the first, and in some sense
the most important part of Gibbon’s work, that though he has given an
elaborate outline of the framework of society, and described its detail
with pomp and accuracy, yet that he has not comprehended or delineated
its nobler essence, Pagan or Christian. Nor perhaps was it to be expected
that he should, for he inadequately comprehended the dangers of the time;
he thought it the happiest period the world has ever known; he would
not have comprehended the remark, ‘To see the old world in its worst
estate we turn to the age of the satirist and of Tacitus, when all the
different streams of evil coming from east, west, north, south, the vices
of barbarism and the vices of civilisation, remnants of ancient cults
and the latest refinements of luxury and impurity, met and mingled on
the banks of the Tiber. What could have been the state of society when
Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, Domitian, Heliogabalus, were the rulers of the
world? To a good man we should imagine that death itself would be more
tolerable than the sight of such things coming upon the earth.’ So deep
an ethical sensibility was not to be expected in the first century; nor
is it strange when, after seventeen hundred years, we do not find it in
their historian.
Space has failed us, and we must be unmeaningly brief. The second head
of Gibbon’s history—the narrative of the barbarian invasions—has been
recently criticised, on the ground that he scarcely enough explains the
gradual but unceasing and inevitable manner in which the outer barbarians
were affected by and assimilated to the civilisation of Rome. Mr.
Congreve has well observed, that the impression which Gibbon’s narrative
is insensibly calculated to convey is, that there was little or no change
in the state of the Germanic tribes between the time of Tacitus and the
final invasion of the empire—a conclusion which is obviously incredible.
To the general reader there will perhaps seem some indistinctness in this
part of the work, nor is a free, confused barbarism a congenial subject
for an imposing and orderly pencil. He succeeds better in the delineation
of the riding monarchies, if we may so term them,—of the equestrian
courts of Attila or Timour, in which the great scale, the concentrated
power, the very enormity of the barbarism, give, so to speak, a shape
to unshapeliness; impart, that is, a horrid dignity to horse-flesh
and mare’s milk, an imposing oneness to the vast materials of a crude
barbarity. It is needless to say that no one would search Gibbon for an
explanation of the reasons or feelings by which the northern tribes were
induced to accept Christianity.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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