It is true, that, in thus establishing a formula of faith which should
be binding on their followers, the Lutherans were taking up a position
in contradiction with the principle of private judgment in matters
of faith, which, in the beginning, they had loudly advocated. This
was, however, neither an isolated phenomenon, nor, considering the
circumstances, at all difficult to understand. The principles which
Luther had championed in the first part of his career, principles of
which the trend was towards the complete emancipation of the individual
from outward creeds and laws, he had over and again since his first
encounters with the fanatics and Anabaptists honoured in the breach,
and, if he had not altogether discarded them, he had at least come to
explain them very differently.
Hence a certain reaction had taken place in the mind of the originator
of the schism upon which in some sense the Confession of Augsburg set a
seal.
The extent of this reaction has been very variously estimated. In
modern times the contrast between the earlier and later Luther has
been so strongly emphasised that we even hear it said that, in the
first period of his career, what he stood for was a mere “religion
of humanity,” that of a resolute “radical,” whereas in the second
he returned to something more positive. Some have even ventured to
speak of the earlier stage of Luther’s career, until, say, 1522, as
“Lutheran,” and of the later as “Protestant.”
In order to appreciate the matter historically it will be necessary for
us to take a survey of the circumstances as a whole which led to the
change in Luther’s attitude, and then to determine the effect of these
factors by a comparison between his earlier and later life.
Amongst the circumstances which influenced Luther one was his tardy
recognition of the fact that the course he had first started on, with
the noisy proclamation of freedom of thought and action in the sphere
of religion, could lead to no other goal than that of universal anarchy
and the destruction of both religion and morality. The Anabaptist
rising served to point out to him the results of his inflammatory
discourses in favour of freedom. He was determined that his work
should not degenerate into social revolution, for one reason because
he was anxious to retain the good-will of the mighty, above all of the
Elector of Saxony. When the Peasant rising, thanks to the ideas he had
himself put forth, began to grow formidable he found himself compelled
to make a more determined stand against all forms of radicalism which
threatened disintegration. This he did indeed more particularly in the
political domain, though his changed attitude here naturally reacted
also on his conception of matters religious.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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