Martyrdom in Missouri, Volume 1 (of 2) : $b A history of religious proscription, the seizure of churches, and the persecution of ministers of the Gospel, in the state of Missouri during the late Civil War, and under the "Test Oath" of the new Constitution.Leftwich, W. M. (William M.)
History
Martyrdom in Missouri, Volume 1 (of 2) : $b A history of religious proscription, the seizure of churches, and the persecution of ministers of the Gospel, in the state of Missouri during the late Civil War, and under the "Test Oath" of the new Constitution.
Leftwich, W. M. (William M.)
Methodist Episcopal Church -- Missouri; Methodist Episcopal Church, South -- Missouri; Missouri -- Church history; Missouri -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865
Political Excitement of 1859 and
’60—Foreigners—Know-Nothingism—Foreign Element in Politics—Class
Legislation to Encourage Immigration, Develop the Resources, and
Subvert the Religious Institutions of the State—German Rationalists
and Christianity—The True Interests of a State—Modern
Spiritualism—Its Pretensions—Phenomena—Influence upon the
Credulous—Circles—Mediums—Agents—Lecturers—Free-Loveism—Thousands of
Disciples—Midnight Lamp in Thousands of Homes—Many Turned from the
Faith to Serve Tables—Most Dangerous and Powerful Form of
Infidelity—Free-Thinkers—A Novel Encounter with an “Improved
Monkey”—Napoleon’s “Moral Combinations” at Work upon the Public
Mind.
Many will remember with unfeigned regret the political excitement that
began to agitate the whole country in 1859, and which increased in
violence and intensity the nearer the Presidential election of 1860 was
approached.
In times of great popular excitement, when partisans are using their
utmost efforts to carry elections, it is less surprising than hurtful
that politicians should appeal for support to every class of citizens.
The German population of St. Louis, St. Charles, Franklin, Cole, and
some other counties and cities had increased rapidly in the past few
years, and now for the first time began to make their presence and power
felt in Missouri politics. They had fairly recovered from the effects of
Know-Nothingism, if, indeed, the existence and labors of that singular
political freak did not precipitate the foreign born citizens into a
distinct political element and foist them into political prominence.
Being courted, and flattered, and fawned upon by political
place-seekers, they were easily induced to believe that they held the
balance of power at the ballotbox in many of the largest cities of the
State, and they began to claim the right, not only to vote, but to be
represented as a distinct class in the city and State governments—to
hold office and control municipal patronage.
To secure the support of this class of citizens politicians stood ready
to enact special laws for their relief, to grant privileges and
immunities to them as a class, and to accommodate their social
peculiarities and religious castes and creeds. The statutes of the State
and the ordinances of cities show that they were the _privileged class_,
and that class legislation, which always endangers the well-being of
society, was accommodated in this instance to those peculiarities of the
foreign element which looked to the subversion of the Christian
institutions of the State, and the protection of an infidel sentiment
that dared to invade the sanctity of the Christian Sabbath, disturb the
peace of Christian worshipers, and strike down the supreme authority of
the Word of God as a code of morals and a system of law.
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