Medical symbolism in connection with historical studies in the arts of healing and hygieneSozinskey, Thomas S.
History
Medical symbolism in connection with historical studies in the arts of healing and hygiene
Sozinskey, Thomas S.
Symbolism in medicine
[375] The name is given in the cuneiform characters as found in Norris’s
Assyrian Dictionary, p. 853. It is spelled phonetically. The first three
wedges are the sign or determinative of deities.
[376] The devotion of Nebuchadnezzar to him is indicated in the Bible
(see 2 Chron. xxxvi, 7, and Daniel, i, 2). The great king went so far as
to say: “Merodach deposited my germ in my mother’s womb.” Records of the
Past, vol. v, p. 113.
[377] In an article entitled “Nemrod et les Ecritures Cuneiformes,” M.
Joseph Grivel has occasion to speak of the names of the god. Amar-ud,
which is apparently the same as Nimrod, is a synonym of Merodach. See
Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology, vol. iii, p. 136.
[378] The older Bel was Elum, father of the gods.
[379] Chaldean Magic, and the Beginnings of History. To M. Lenormant
mainly belongs the credit of opening up the valuable stores of learning
wrapped in the Accadian and closely allied idioms.
[380] A series of small volumes, twelve in number, issued a few years
ago, in London.
[381] Silik-mulu-khi is rather a descriptive title than a name. It is the
designation used in the magical and mythological texts of the Accadian
inscriptions.
[382] Of this serpentine god of life and revealer of knowledge, Sir Henry
Rawlinson remarks that “there is very strong grounds for connecting Hea,
or Hoa, with the serpent of Scripture and the paradisiacal traditions of
the tree of life.” See George Rawlinson’s second edition of Herodotus,
vol. i, p. 600.
[383] Chaldean Magic, p. 19.
[384] Assyria, its Princes, Priests, and People, p. 59. London, 1885.
[385] Another symbol of this god was the thunderbolt in the form of a
sickle, with which he slew the dragon of the deep.
[386] Chaldean Magic, p. 190.
[387] Records of the Past, vol. iii, p. 139.
[388] Herodotus, who visited the country, states that the Babylonians
“have no physicians; but when a man is ill they lay him in the public
square and the passers-by come up to him; and if they ever had his
disease themselves, or have known any one who has suffered from it, they
give him advice, recommending him to do whatever they found good in
their own case or in the case known to them; and no one is allowed to
pass the sick man in silence, without asking him what his ailment is”
(i, 197). From this it would seem that Herodotus might rather have said
that the Babylonians were all doctors, or presumed to be. However, it is
thought that Jeremiah refers to the practice in Lamentations, i, 12, when
he says: “Is it nothing to you, all ye that pass by? Behold and see if
there be any sorrow like unto my sorrow.” A similar plan was certainly
practiced elsewhere than in Babylonia. Strabo says that the Egyptians
resorted to it (xvi), and in St. Mark it is said that the people “laid
the sick in the streets” (vi, 56) in order to be healed by Jesus as he
passed along.
[389] Deuteronomy, xi, 18.
[390] Records of the Past, vol. iii, p. 140.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account