Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2Jefferson, Thomas
History
Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 2
Jefferson, Thomas
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1865
You will perceive by the letters I enclose to Mr. Jay, that Lambe, under
the pretext of ill health, declines returning either to Congress, Mr.
Adams, or myself. This circumstance makes me fear some malversation.
The money appropriated to this object being in Holland, and having been
always under the care of Mr. Adams, it was concerted between us that all
the drafts should be on him. I know not, therefore, what sums may have
been advanced to Lambe; I hope, however, nothing great. I am persuaded
that an angel sent on this business, and so much limited in his terms,
could have done nothing. But should Congress propose to try the line of
negotiation again, I think they will perceive that Lambe is not a proper
agent. I have written to Mr. Adams on the subject of a settlement with
Lambe. There is little prospect of accommodation between the Algerines,
and the Portuguese and Neapolitans. A very valuable capture too, lately
made by them on the Empress of Russia, bids fair to draw her on them.
The probability is therefore, that these three nations will be at war
with them, and the possibility is that could we furnish a couple of
frigates, a convention might be formed with those powers, establishing
a perpetual cruise on the coast of Algiers, which would bring them to
reason. Such a convention being left open to all powers willing to come
into it, should have for its object a general peace, to be guarantied
to each, by the whole. Were only two or three to begin a confederacy of
this kind, I think every power in Europe would soon fall into it, except
France, England, and perhaps Spain and Holland. Of these there is only
England who would give any real aid to the Algerines. Morocco, you
perceive, will be at peace with us. Were the honor and advantage of
establishing such a confederacy out of the question, yet the necessity
that the United States should have some marine force, and the happiness
of this, as the ostensible cause for beginning it, would decide on its
propriety. It will be said, there is no money in the treasury. There
never will be money in the treasury till the confederacy shows its
teeth. The States must see the rod; perhaps it must be felt by some
one of them. I am persuaded, all of them would rejoice to see every
one obliged to furnish its contributions. It is not the difficulty of
furnishing them, which beggars the treasury, but the fear that others
will not furnish as much. Every rational citizen must wish to see an
effective instrument of coercion, and should fear to see it on any other
element than the water. A naval force can never endanger our liberties,
nor occasion bloodshed: a land force would do both. It is not in the
choice of the States, whether they will pay money to cover their trade
against the Algerines. If they obtain a peace by negotiation, they must
pay a great sum of money for it; if they do nothing, they must pay a
great sum of money, in the form of insurance; and in either way, as
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