Memoirs of the life of David Rittenhouse, LLD. F.R.S., late president of the American Philosophical Society, &c. : $b interspersed with various notices of many distinguished men : with an appendix, containing sundry philosophical and other papers, most of which have not hitherto been publishedBarton, William
History
Memoirs of the life of David Rittenhouse, LLD. F.R.S., late president of the American Philosophical Society, &c. : $b interspersed with various notices of many distinguished men : with an appendix, containing sundry philosophical and other papers, most of which have not hitherto been published
That Dr. Rittenhouse was a zealous advocate for the liberties of
mankind, is unquestionable: but, much as he abhorred slavery and
oppression of every kind, did he deprecate turbulence and licentiousness
in the people, and wars of ambition, avarice or injustice, undertaken by
their rulers. He was decidedly friendly to those measures of civil
government, which are best calculated to maintain order, tranquillity,
and safety in the state, on just and honourable principles. It can
scarcely be doubted by any one, intimately acquainted with his
character, that he must have concurred in sentiments similar to those
attributed by the biographer of Washington to that great man, or this
subject,—in the following observation: “Between a balanced republic and
a democracy the difference is like that between order and chaos. Real
liberty, he thought, was to be secured only by preserving the authority
of the laws, and maintaining the energy of government. Scarcely did
society present two characters which, in his opinion, less resembled
each other, than a patriot and a demagogue.”
Mr. Rittenhouse, it must be rationally supposed, was less acquainted
with mankind, than General Washington was known to be: he had much fewer
and more limited opportunities of studying human nature; and professions
of pretended patriots were, therefore, more likely to impose on the
unsuspecting honesty of his nature. He may even have been deceived, for
a while, and ere the plausible fallacies of theorists in matters of
civil polity, emanating from the philosophy of the French school, had
yet been manifested to the world. A practical philosopher himself, he
must have contemplated with pity, if not with indignation, the doctrines
of the followers of Pyrrho: with whom it was a fundamental principle,
that there is nothing that can be denominated true or false, right or
wrong, honest or dishonest, just or unjust; or, in other words, that
there is no standard beyond law or custom; and that uncertainty and
doubt are attached to all things. Nevertheless, on these doctrines of
the sceptical philosophers of antiquity are founded that monstrous and
wicked tenet of most of the modern sceptics, that _the end justifies the
means_!—a principle destructive of all the foundations of religion and
morals. Well might the Abbé le Blanc exclaim, when noticing this
mischievous sect of philosophers, seventy years ago,—“Is it not
surprising, that men should endeavour to acquire the esteem of the
public, by striving to break the most sacred band of all societies; in
declaring their opinion to others, that there is neither virtue nor
vice, truth nor doubt.”—“Our modern philosophers,”[280] says the learned
Abbé in another place, “have been _too confident_.”
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Footnote 280:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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