Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.Stowe, Harriet Beecher
History
Men of Our Times; Or, Leading Patriots of the Day: Being narratives of the lives and deeds of statesmen, generals, and orators. Including biographical sketches and anecdotes of Lincoln, Grant, Garrison, Sumner, Chase, Wilson, Greeley, Farragut, Andrew, Colfax, Stanton, Douglass, Buckingham, Sherman, Sheridan, Howard, Phillips and Beecher.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher
United States -- Biography; United States -- History -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Biography
These references to assassination and death, were no casual flourishes
of oratory. They were deliberate defiances of the fate which had
already been denounced against the speaker, in public and in private,
which continued to be threatened during all the rest of his life,
and which finally actually befel him, but the fear of which never
made him turn pale nor waver in his duty. He began as soon as he was
nominated, to receive anonymous letters from the South threatening him
with death. They became so frequent that he kept a separate file of
them. They continued to come, up to the year of his death. The first
one or two, he said, made him "a little uncomfortable;" but afterwards
he only filed them. The train on which he left home for the East, was
to have been thrown off the track. A hand grenade was hidden in one
of the cars. An association was known to exist at Baltimore for the
express purpose of killing him. When therefore he spoke as he did at
Philadelphia, it was doubtless with a feeling that some one concerned
in these plans was probably hearing him, and understanding him. It was,
no doubt, at the same time a sort of vow, taken upon himself under the
feelings aroused by the birth-place of the Declaration which he had
so often and so well defended. Whether a challenge, a vow, or a mere
statement of principle, he kept his word. He lived by it, and he died
by it.
The same mixture of firmness and kindness appears in the First
Inaugural, and in this document there is also another most
characteristic element;--circumspect adherence to the Constitution as
he understood it, and most remarkable care and skill in the language
used to interpret law, or to announce his own conclusions or purposes.
Lover of freedom as he was, and believer in the rights of man, he
had already been invariably careful not to demand from the masses of
men whom he sought to influence, more than they could be expected
to give. Now, he went even further. He expressly and clearly avowed
his intention to execute all that he had sworn, even the laws most
distasteful to any freeman. In speaking of the crisis of the moment,
and after setting forth his doctrine of national sovereignty and an
unbroken Union, he promised to maintain it as far as he could, and
added:
"Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part; and I shall
perform it so far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the
American people, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some
authoritative manner direct the contrary."
Then, as if to avert ill feeling if possible:
"I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the
declared purpose of the Union, that it will constitutionally defend and
maintain itself."
Then, with careful adherence to the mildest terms possible--could
anything be a more peaceful assertion of national right than the simple
"hold, occupy and possess"?--he says what the nation will do:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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