Thus to this very sensitive people it became a crying calamity that they had no Court of their own wherein they could create dukes, lords, and baronets _ad lib._ and set up a nobility and monarchy on their own account; on the same lines of government favoured by their Teutonic rulers. Although India was universal in its desire for ‘Home Government,’ nevertheless, there were two great political parties in the country; one was conservative and desired a Monarchical, the other preferred a democratic or Republican form of government. Of course the Press was the expression of these opinions, which the English and Germans eagerly perused, so that whenever a petition arrived at the Teutonic Court praying for freedom these opposing opinions were brought forward as an excuse for refusing their request. ‘Why ask for powers of self-government,’ they retorted, ‘when you are unable to agree upon what form it shall take? You are happier and better as you are for you know not how to govern yourselves; you are our children; we have educated you, and brought you up, as it were; why desire to leave the parental control when it is only exercised for your good?’ But the oppressed ones did not see it: they felt that they were only step-children, who were kept out of the benefits accorded the offspring of their rulers; for all posts of honour and handsome remuneration had long been taken up by the overflowings of aristocratic Germanic and English families. Even when in positions where natives were permitted the privilege of filling alongside the Englishman, as far back as the nineteenth century and upwards, natives were not remunerated with anything approaching the same rate of income as their more favoured colleagues; although performing identical duties in the hospitals. A reliable historian of the nineteenth century in treating this subject says:—‘One serious obstacle in the way of increasing the supply of medical men, (natives) seems to me the unfair and invidious difference made in the remuneration of native as compared with English professional men employed in our service, and the same it may be added, applies to legal, and other departments of the State. Take Delhi, for example, where the civil surgeon, a military man, is paid 1,150 rupees per month, whilst his two native assistants receive only 150 each. In Lahore the English civil surgeon gets 1,050 rupees, the native assistants 150 each. Indeed, throughout India the proportion is everywhere as seven or eight for the English, to one for the native official.’ Is it to be wondered at that the dissatisfaction felt at the ‘plums’ being everywhere reserved for the British should begin to find utterance in the native Press, and in the National Congress?