The rapid development of a great milling centre at the Falls of St. Anthony opened a market for the spring wheat, which could not otherwise have been grown. The Minnesota crop of fifteen million of bushels in 1870 was to be doubled in 1875. The patent milling process gave to Minneapolis an advantage soon apparent in the multiplication not only of flour mills, but of industries ancillary thereto. The manufacture of lumber out of logs from the pineries of the upper Mississippi and its tributaries, which had been her leading industry, now took a second but still important place. The city of Saint Anthony’s Falls had suffered by the migration of many of her most capable men of affairs to “the west side,” where Minneapolis sprang into being as by magic when the military reservation was reduced in the middle of the fifties. The new city soon outstripped the old in population, in manufacturing, and in merchandizing. At length it became apparent that there was no propriety in the maintenance of separate municipal organizations at the falls. By virtue of an act of the legislature, approved February 28, 1872, the older city lost its name and became the east division of Minneapolis. The regrets of some of her oldest citizens were mitigated by the suggestion that the Minneapolis thus enlarged might some day become the rival of Minnesota’s capital city in wealth and numbers, if not in political importance. The land grant railroads, rapidly extended after the Civil War, had occasioned the building of new towns, the opening of new farms, the production of more millions of bushels of wheat, to be passed through more elevators and carried in more freight cars to more mills, for conversion into more thousands of barrels of Minnesota Patent flour. All these called for more miles of railroad, and the revolving game went merrily on for some years. So obvious were the advantages of railroad transportation that every possible inducement was held out to invite construction. Rights of way and bonuses in the shape of town, county, and city bonds were willingly bestowed. State and municipal authorities were so indulgent and generous that railroad “interests” came to expect the fulfillment of any requisitions they should please to make. A crowning example of this confidence has been given in the so-called “land grab” of 1871, whose consummation lacked only the approval of Governor Austin. But under this seeming of prosperity for the public and the people whose wealth was going into the railroads there was trouble brewing. Transportation did not come as cheap as the public was expecting from corporations, which had received from Congress public lands worth about $10,000 per mile at government prices, to aid them in building. Five cents per mile passenger fare seemed exorbitant, as did freight rates ranging from seven cents to sixty cents per ton mile. The immense loans made by sale of bonds were understood to be part of a policy of the corporation managers to get