"Monsieur Henri": A Foot-Note to French HistoryGuiney, Louise Imogen
History
"Monsieur Henri": A Foot-Note to French History
Guiney, Louise Imogen
France -- History -- Wars of the Vendée, 1793-1832; La Rochejaquelein, Henri du Vergier, comte de, 1772-1794
Innocent and happy as they were, it may be
said of them that they had no history till the insurrection. It broke
out in March of 1793, it was over in July of 1795; and those on its
soil cannot speak of it yet without a throb of feeling.
It was in the main, a religious war; one of the few since St. Louis’
in the thirteenth century, which has not disgraced the name; and the
latest, indeed, known to general history. But it has been affirmed
too often that the nobles and priests, active here as elsewhere for
the losing cause, had roused the masses to revolt. M. Berthre de
Bourniseaux, of Thouars, a Republican, says earnestly, that defensive
war was produced by three causes, with none of which the influence of
churchmen and kingsmen, as such, had anything to do. First, by the
execrable tyranny of the Jacobins in worrying an intensely conservative
section, which, in the proper Jacobinical jargon, was not “ripe” for
the Revolution; second, by the foolish persistent persecution of their
old faith in behalf of the goddess Reason--a thing borne long in
silence and bewilderment, until the smouldering opposition sprang into
the full stature of a blaze; third, by the forced levy of three hundred
thousand men. On the twenty-first of January, 1791, Louis, after his
usual hesitation, signed the decree authorizing the ejection of those
vicars and curates who would not uphold the new civil constitution of
the clergy. It may be believed that this stroke of national polity
fell heavily in mid-France, where “priestcraft” had never figured as
a word in any possible dictionary, and where the Roman obedience had
been as perfectly established as the solar system in the popular mind.
Says Lamartine: “The Revolution, until then exclusively political,
became schism in the eyes of a portion of the clergy and the faithful.
Among the bishops and priests, some took the civil oath, which was
the guarantee of their lives; others refused to take it, or, having
taken it, retracted. This gave rise to trouble in many a mind, to
agitation of conscience, and to division in the temple. The great
majority of parishes had now two ministers, the one a constitutional
parson, salaried and protected by the state, the other refractory,
refusing the oath, bereft of his income, driven from his sanctuary,
and raising his altar in some clandestine chapel or in the open field.
These rival upholders of the same worship excommunicated each other,
one in the name of the Government, one in the name of the Pope and the
Church.... The case was not actually, as it stood, persecution or civil
war, but it was the sure prelude to both.... When war burst out, the
Revolution had degenerated.” It was not until August that the report of
the uprising in the provinces, and the full sense of its significance,
were accredited at Paris. Simultaneously the air thickened with fierce
rumors from Austria and Spain, and Dumouriez’s last watch-lights
sputtered out upon the frontiers. While the attention of Europe was
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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