Morals of Economic InternationalismHobson, J. A. (John Atkinson)
Philosophy
Morals of Economic Internationalism
Hobson, J. A. (John Atkinson)
International cooperation; Reconstruction (1914-1939)
Take the case of Austria under the new conditions, with a thick
population concentrated in a great political capital suddenly deprived
of all free access to its former sources of supply and the markets it
used to serve. For her it is a sentence of economic strangulation. Here
is an extreme instance of the effect of economic isolation on a weak
country. But the dangerous truth may be more broadly stated. A very few
great empires and nations today control the whole available supplies of
many of the foods, fabrics, and metals, the shipping and finance, that
are essential to the livelihood and progress of every civilized people.
Are Britain, America, France, and Japan--and especially the two
greatest of these powers--going to absorb or monopolize for their
exclusive purposes of trade or consumption these supplies which every
country needs, or are they going to let the rest of the world have fair
access to them? I think this to be upon the whole the most important of
the many urgent issues that confront us. For, if close nationalism or
imperialism should prevail, the weaker placed nations could not
acquiesce. Close economic nationalism is not for them a possibility.
They must win access to the world's supplies, peacefully if possible,
or else by force.
The fatality of the great choice is thus evident. Nations must and will
fight for the means of life. Close economic nationalism or imperialism
on the part of the great empires must, therefore, compel the restricted
countries to organize force for their economic liberation. This in turn
will compel the great empires to maintain strong military and naval
defences. It is impossible for the other nations of the earth to leave
the essential supplies of metals, foods, and oils, and the control of
transport in the exclusive possession of one or a few close national
corporations or a permanent "Big Four." Under such conditions the
sacrifices of the great war would have been made in vain. Nothing would
have been done to end war, or to rescue the world from the burden of
militarism. The pre-war policy of contending alliances and of competing
armaments, draining more deeply than ever the surplus incomes of each
people, would be resumed. And it would bring no sense of security, but
only the postponement of further inevitable conflicts in which the very
roots of western civilization might perish.
The renewed and intolerable burdens of such a militarism, with its
accompaniments of autocracy, must let loose class war in every nation
which has gone through the agony of the European struggle and has seen
the great hope of a peaceful internationalism blighted.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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