Mr. Punch's History of Modern England, Vol. 2 (of 4).—1857-1874Graves, Charles L. (Charles Larcom)
History
Mr. Punch's History of Modern England, Vol. 2 (of 4).—1857-1874
Graves, Charles L. (Charles Larcom)
Great Britain -- History -- Victoria, 1837-1901 -- Humor
The fateful year of 1870 opened with the attempt to establish a
"Liberal" Empire in France with Ollivier as Prime Minister, a concession
which _Punch_ hailed as a "Magna Charta for France"; almost
simultaneously Lord Clarendon, our Foreign Minister, with Gladstone's
cordial approval, launched his suggestion of a partial simultaneous
disarmament, a proposal rendered futile by the attitude of Bismarck.
Lord Clarendon died on June 27, and his successor, Lord Granville, was
informed by the Permanent Secretary at the Foreign Office that he "had
never during his long experience known so great a lull in foreign
affairs." Yet war had already been declared by France when _Punch_, on
July 23, issued his somewhat cynical manifesto of neutrality under the
heading: "Prussian Pot and French Kettle":--
In this unhappy event of a war between France and Prussia, we shall
of course do all we can to preserve the most perfect neutrality. We
certainly feel it. Our sympathies with the one side and the other
are, strong as they are, exactly equal.
As regards the Prussians we take a warmly admiring interest in the
course of aggrandisement which their King and his Bismarck have
been pursuing of late years, but most chiefly do we applaud its
first step--the attack on Denmark, and the forcible annexation
therefrom of the two Duchies. The immense number of Danes slain by
the Prussian needle-guns commands our approbation only less than
our wonder; but what crowns the sentiments with which we regard the
spoliation and destruction of the Danes is the piety wherewith the
author of those achievements solemnly expressed his thankfulness
for having been permitted to accomplish them. One brother once
knelt with Mrs. Fry in Newgate. The other might have knelt with
Mrs. Cole.
On the other hand, with respect to France, we cannot but feel how
much we owe to the French Imperial Government for the improvement
which, by the menacing armaments it has kept up now for so many
years, it has occasioned us to make in our national defences. But
we have higher reasons for sympathy with France than considerations
which are merely insular and selfish. The great principles of
Liberty, Fraternity, and Equality have been professed by France
more enthusiastically and more loudly than by any other European
nation; and we behold their standing reduction to practice in the
occupation of Rome, and the declaration that the chief of Italian
cities shall never belong to Italy.
The foregoing reasons should satisfy any Prussian and any Frenchman
of the perfect impartiality with which Englishmen must contemplate
hostilities between their respective nations.
[Illustration: A VISION ON THE WAY. "BEWARE!"]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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