Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 2 (of 8): Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century
History
Narrative and Critical History of America, Vol. 2 (of 8): Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century
America -- Discovery and exploration; America -- History; United States -- History
It was but an easy process for a euphonious name, once accepted for
a large part of the new discoveries, gradually to be extended until
it covered them all. The discovery of the South Sea by Balboa in
1513 rendered it certain that there was a country of unmistakably
continental extent lying south of the field of Columbus’ observations,
which, though it might prove to be connected with Asia by the Isthmus
of Panama, was still worthy of an independent designation.[607] We
have seen how the Land of the Holy Cross, Paria, and all other names
gave way in recognition of the one man who had best satisfied Europe
that this region had a continental extent. If it be admitted even that
Vespucius was in any way privy to the bestowal of his name upon it,
there was at first no purpose to enlarge the application of such name
beyond this well-recognized coast.
[Illustration: MERCATOR, 1541.
This is the configuration of Mercator’s gores (for a globe) reduced to
Mercator’s subsequently-devised projection.]
That the name went beyond that coast came of one of those shaping
tendencies which are without control. “It was,” as Humboldt says,[608]
“accident, and not fraud and dissensions, which deprived the continent
of America of the name of Columbus.” It was in 1541, and by Mercator
in his printed gores for a globe, that in a cartographical record we
first find the name _America_ extended to cover the entire continent;
for he places the letters AME at Baccalaos, and completed the name
with RICA at the La Plata.[609] Thus the injustice was made perpetual;
and there seems no greater instance of the instability of truth in
the world’s history. Such monstrous perversion could but incite an
indignation which needed a victim,—and it found him in Vespucius. The
intimation of Schöner was magnified in time by everybody, and the
unfortunate date of 1497, as well as the altogether doubtful aspect of
his _Quattuor navigationes_, helped on the accusation. Vespucius stood
in every cyclopædia and history as the personification of baseness
and arrogance;[610] and his treacherous return for the kindness which
Columbus did him in February, 1505, when he gave him a letter of
recommendation to his son Diego,[611] at a time when the Florentine
stood in need of such assistance, was often made to point a moral.
The most emphatic of these accusers, working up his case with every
subsidiary help, has been the Viscount Santarem. He will not admit the
possibility of Vespucius’ ignorance of the movement at St.-Dié. “We are
led to the conclusion,” he says, in summing up, “that the name given
to the new continent after the death of Columbus was the result of a
preconceived plan against his memory, either designedly and with malice
aforethought, or by the secret influence of an extensive patronage
of foreign merchants residing at Seville and elsewhere, dependent on
Vespucius as naval contractor.”[612]
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
Reviews
Reviews
No reviews yet
Be the first to share your thoughts on this work.
Elsewhere in the archive
Join the Discussion
Join the discussion
Sign in to leave a comment or review.
Sign InorCreate an account