In a very real sense, during any period when the volume of immigration
is considerable, the community _is_ one factor and the immigrant _is_
another factor, and a partial solution is to be found in a new
treatment of the relationships between these two. But in another sense
the discussion is inadequate and perhaps misleading. The relationship
between the community and the immigrant is not mechanical, but
organic. So soon as he is admitted, he is in fact a part of the
community, and what will be done, what can be done, depends in part at
least upon the extent to which that relationship is developed. The
currents of the community life must flow through and both enrich and
be enriched by the life of the newcomer. If these currents are
obstructed, he neither shares nor contributes as he might.
These channels of intercourse, however, have often been so obstructed
that contacts have been denied. That segregation and separation have
characterized the life of many of the groups for considerable periods
of time has become a commonplace, and it has been generally known that
the life of these different foreign-born groups was separate from the
general life of the community, and the life of one group separate from
the life of other groups. But the fact that within these separate
groups was developed often a fairly rich and highly organized life has
not been so widely recognized.
SAFETY IN RACIAL AFFILIATIONS
During the war, for example, the community became aware of the fact
that within these national groups there had developed more or less
powerful and efficient organizations formerly active in behalf of
political interests in the old country, capable, at least, of
fostering a spirit of clannishness, of perpetuating the language,
customs, and ideals of an alien population in the midst of American
life, and of keeping alive in this country national and racial
antipathies brought from Europe. Leaders in the European struggle came
to these groups and obtained pecuniary support and political
adherence. Recruiting for military service among the foreign born was
successfully carried on.
Leaders of active societies among the different Slavic groups have
stated quite freely that a spirit of unity and of nationality has been
consciously fostered in America by these societies, so that, when the
time came for the oppressed nation to strike for freedom in the
European struggle, the representatives of the race in this country
might stand solidly behind such efforts. It is impossible, after the
exhibition of the generous support given among foreign-born groups
during the war to the efforts of the United States, to raise the
question of their loyalty; but their separateness has been far
greater, their exclusion from many community efforts and activities
far more complete, than the leaders among them had realized.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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