New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915: April-September, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History: The European War, Vol 2, No. 1, April, 1915: April-September, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
The essential point is that public opinion have free scope of
development. Every American will admit that. Now, public opinion finds
its expression in the principles that govern the use of the suffrage.
The German voting system is the freest in the world, much freer than the
French, English, or American system, because not only does it operate in
accordance with the principle that every one shall have a direct and
secret vote, but the powers of the State are exercised faithfully and
conscientiously to carry out that principle in practice. The
constitutional life of the German Nation is of a thoroughly democratic
character.
Those who know that were not surprised that our Social Democrats marched
to war with such enthusiasm. Already among their ranks many have fallen
as heroes, never to be forgotten by any German when his thoughts turn to
the noble blood which has saturated foreign soil--thank God, foreign
soil! Many of the Socialist leaders and adherents are wearing the Iron
Cross, that simple token that seems to tell you when you speak of its
bearer, "Now, this is a fearless and faithful soul."
Let it be said once and for all: He who wants to understand us must
accept our conception that constitutionally we enjoy so great a
political freedom that we would not change with any country in the
world. Everybody in America knows that our manners and customs have been
democratic for centuries, while in France and England they have been
ever aristocratic. Americans, we know, always feel at home on German
soil.
But the Kaiser, you will say, speaks of "his monarchy," therefore must
the Germans be Fuerstenknechte, (servants of Princes.)
First of all, as to the phrase "Fuerstenknechte." Does not the King of
England speak of his "subjects"? That word irritates a German, because
he is conscious that he is not a subject, but a citizen of the empire.
Yet he will not infer from the English King's use of the term in formal
utterances that an Englishman is a churl, a "servant of his King." That
would be a superficial political conception.
As to our Princes, most of us, including the Social Democrats, are glad
in our heart of hearts that we have them. As far back as our history
runs, and that is more than 2,000 years, we have had Princes. They have
never been more than their name, "Fuerst," implies, the first and
foremost of German freemen, "primi inter pares." Therefore they have
never acted independently, never without taking the people into counsel.
That would have been contrary to the most important fundamental
principles of German law; hence our people have never been "de jure"
without their representatives. Even in the times of absolute monarchy
the old "estates of the realm" had their being as a representative body,
and wherever and whenever these privileges were suppressed it was
regarded as a violation of our fundamental rights and is so still
regarded.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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