New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 4, July, 1915: April-September, 1915 — John Shaqi
New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 4, July, 1915: April-September, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 4, July, 1915: April-September, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
President Wilson's second message to Germany will rank with his first
one as a document that at once convinces and convicts--convinces of
the sincerity of the President that he is "contending for nothing less
high and sacred than the rights of humanity," and convicts the nation
to whom it is addressed of being responsible for the fact that the
men, women, and children on the Lusitania were sent to their death
under circumstances "unparalleled in modern warfare."
The note is not only dignified and statesmanlike, but it breathes a
spirit of tolerance and Christianity that is as noteworthy as it is
admirable. There is in it not even a suggestion of a threat, no word
of bluster, no breath of jingoism. It is sound, sensible, firm,
resolute, self-contained, magnanimous even. It does not incite to war,
but, instead, appeals to the highest principles of justice and right.
But though the words are conciliatory and the spirit admirable, there
is not the least abatement of the insistence upon the principles which
the President formulated in his earlier message and laid down for the
guidance of Germany and for the protection of the American people. The
way is now open to Germany either for peace or for war. The decision
is left with her.
FRENCH COMMENT.
_The Temps of June 12 says:_
Germany must choose between having the services of America in
proposing to the Allies a moderation of their blockade, conducted with
the strictest humanity, and the cessation of torpedoing neutral ships,
the continuation of which exposes Germany to a diplomatic rupture with
the United States, if not to war. Assuredly this prospect caused
Bryan's resignation.
_La Liberté says of the note:_
It is in every way worthy of a great country conscious of its dignity,
its rights, and its duties. It has not the tone of an ultimatum, since
it is couched in courteous terms, but it is energetic, and it requires
Germany finally to cease recourse to false expedients.
_The Journal des Débats, in discussing the note, says:_
The United States, representing in this case the civilized world,
places the sacred rights of humanity above considerations of the
military order, to which Germany subordinates everything. They are
resolved, so far as concerns American subjects, to have those rights
respected.
The essence of the note is, first, measures required by humanity must
be taken, and afterward, if desired, will come discussions of a new
regulation of naval warfare. If Germany insists on putting herself
outside the pale of humanity she will suffer the consequences.
ITALIAN COMMENT.
_The Corriere della Sera of June 12 compares the attitude of Secretary
Bryan to that of former Premier Giolitti, leader of the party which
sought to prevent war with Austria. It says Mr. Bryan's action
probably will have the same effect in America that Signor Giolitti's
intervention had in Italy, and that it will strengthen public opinion
in favor of President Wilson._
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