New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 5, August, 1915Various
History
New York Times Current History; The European War, Vol 2, No. 5, August, 1915
Various
World War, 1914-1918
The next previous article had prohibited a Government from engaging in
this trade, so that the distinction between what the State and the
individual may do is made perfectly clear, provided both belligerents
are treated alike. To permit trade in arms with one belligerent and
forbid it with another would be unneutral and illegal.
We permit the munitions trade with both belligerents, it is true, and
yet, owing to the chances of war, the right to buy inures to the
advantage of one only. Does this stamp our conduct as unneutral? Quite
the contrary. To embargo munitions bought by one because the other
side does not choose to buy would be the unneutral act. Germany
doesn't buy because she cannot transport.
She cannot transport, because she does not care to contest the
control of the sea with her enemies. Have we aught to do with that? To
supplement her naval inferiority by denying to the Allies the fruits
of their superiority would be equivalent to sharing in the war on the
German side. Moreover, to assume and base action upon German naval
inferiority in advance of any general trial of strength would be not
only illegal, but even an insult to Germany. Notice that no complaints
of our export of munitions have come from the German Government. To
make such complaint would be to plead the baby act. Rather than risk
her fleet by contesting the control of the sea, thus gaining her share
of munitions imports, Germany has chosen to withdraw it behind
fortifications, thus losing the munitions trade. Probably the decision
is a sound one, but she must accept the results.
The opposition to the trade seems to come from two classes:
(1) German sympathizers who seek to minimize the advantage which sea
power gives the Allies.
(2) Those who are governed by their emotions rather than by reason and
respect for law. I would call the attention of both these classes to
the usage, especially to the German usage, in other wars.
Professor Gregory, in an interesting article, gives statistics of the
large German exports of arms to the British forces in the Boer war
after the Boer trade had been cut off. In the Russo-Japanese war Krupp
notoriously supplied both sides. In the Balkan war there was said to
be competition between Krupp and Creusot in furnishing cannon. No
state in the nature of things can satisfy its needs in war completely
from its own resources. Every belligerent has bought, every neutral
has allowed its citizens to sell, munitions since modern war began.
England sympathized with the South in our civil war, yet sold to the
North. She did the same in 1870 to France.
If the trade in munitions is to be forbidden, then every state must
accumulate its own supply or greatly enlarge its arms manufacturing
capacity, both wasteful processes. To say that a moderate trade is
lawful which a big trade is not is like the excuse of the lady who
thought her baby born out of wedlock did not matter because it was
such a little one.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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