Municipal government -- United States; Peace; Political participation -- United States; Social justice; Working class -- United States
The statement is made many times that we, as a nation, are rapidly
reaching the limit of our powers of assimilation, that we receive
further masses of immigrants at the risk of blurring those traits
and characteristics which we are pleased to call American, with
its corollary that the national standard of living is in danger
of permanent debasement. Were we not in the midst of a certain
intellectual dearth and apathy, of a skepticism in regard to the ideals
of self-government which have ceased to charm men, we would see that
we are testing our national life by a tradition too provincial and
limited to meet its present motley and cosmopolitan character; that we
lack mental energy, adequate knowledge, and a sense of the youth of
the earth. The constant cry that American institutions are in danger
betrays a spiritual waste, not due to our infidelity to national
ideals, but arising from the fact that we fail to enlarge those ideals
in accord with our faithful experience of life. Our political machinery
devised for quite other conditions, has not been readjusted and adapted
to the successive changes resulting from our development. The clamor
for the town meeting, for the colonial and early century ideals of
government is in itself significant, for we are apt to cling to the
past through a very paucity of ideas.
In a sense the enormous and unprecedented moving about over the face
of the earth on the part of all nations is in itself the result of
philosophic dogma of the eighteenth century--of the creed of individual
liberty. The modern system of industry and commerce presupposes freedom
of occupation, of travel, and residence; even more, it unhappily rests
in a large measure upon the assumption of a body of the unemployed and
the unskilled, ready to be absorbed or dropped according to the demands
of production: but back of that, or certainly preceding its later
developments, lies “the natural rights” doctrine of the eighteenth
century. Even so late as 1892 an official treaty of the United States
referred to the “inalienable rights of man to change his residence
and religion.” This dogma of the schoolmen, dramatized in France and
penetrating under a thousand forms into the most backward European
States, is still operating as an obscure force in sending emigrants
to America and in our receiving them here. But in the second century
of its existence it has become too barren and chilly to induce any
really zealous or beneficent activity on behalf of the immigrants after
they arrive. On the other hand those things which we do believe--the
convictions which might be formulated to the immeasurable benefit of
the immigrants, and to the everlasting good of our national life,
have not yet been satisfactorily stated, nor apparently apprehended
by us, in relation to this field. We have no method by which to
discover men, to spiritualize, to understand, to hold intercourse with
aliens and to receive of what they bring. A century-old abstraction
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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