Municipal government -- United States; Peace; Political participation -- United States; Social justice; Working class -- United States
Legislation of the States south of Maryland for the children is like
the legislation of England in 1844. We are sixty-two years behind
England in caring for the children of the textile industries.
May we not also trace some of this national indifference to the
disposition of the past century to love children without really knowing
them? We refuse to recognize them as the great national asset and
are content to surround them with a glamour of innocence and charm.
We put them prematurely to work, ignorant of the havoc it brings,
because no really careful study has been made of their capacities
and possibilities--that is, no study really fitted to the industrial
conditions in which they live.
Each age has, of course, its own temptations and above all its own
peculiar industrial temptations and needs to see them not only in the
light of the increased sensibility and higher ethical standards of
its contemporaries, but also in relation to its peculiar industrial
development. When we ask why it is that child-labor has been given
to us to discuss and to rectify, rather than to the people who
lived before us, we need only to remember that, for the first
time in industrial history, the labor of the little child has in
many industries become as valuable as that of a man or woman. The
old-fashioned weaver was obliged to possess skill and strength to pull
his beam back and forth. It is only through the elaborated inventions
of our own age that skill as well as strength has been so largely
eliminated that, for example, a little child may “tend the thread” in
a textile mill almost as well as an adult. This is true of so many
industries that the temptation to exploit premature labor has become
peculiar to this industrial epoch and we are tempted as never before to
use the labor of little children.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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