Civilization, Modern -- 19th century; Literature -- History and criticism
On the first day of January, 1832, when the American Antislavery
Society was formed in the office of Samuel E. Sewall in Boston, the
abolition of slavery through any such agency seemed impossible. Almost
all the great interests of the country were combined to defend and
sustain the system. The capital invested in slaves amounted to at
least one thousand millions of dollars. This vast pecuniary interest
was rapidly increasing by the growing demand for the cotton crop
of the Southern States--a demand which continually overlapped the
supply. The whole political power of the thirteen slave States was in
the hands of the slaveholders. No white man in the South, unless he
was a slaveholder, was ever elected to Congress, or to any important
political position at home. The two great parties, Whig and Democrat,
were pledged to the support of slavery in all its constitutional
rights, and vied with each other in giving to these the largest
interpretation. By a constitutional provision, which could not be
altered, the slave States had in Congress, in 1840, twenty-five more
Representatives in proportion to their number of voters than the free
States. By the cohesion of this great political and pecuniary interest
the slaveholders, though comparatively few in number, were able to
govern the nation. The Presidents, both houses of Congress, the Supreme
Court of the United States, the two great political parties, the press
of the country, the mercantile interest, and that mysterious force
which we call society, were virtually in the hands of the slaveholders.
Whenever their privileges were attacked, all these powers rallied to
their defense. Public opinion, in the highest circles of society and in
the lowest, was perfectly agreed on this one question. The saloons of
the Fifth Avenue and the mob of the Five Points were equally loyal to
the sacred cause of slavery. Thus all the great powers which control
free states were combined for its defense; and the attempt to assail
this institution might justly be regarded as madness. In fact, all
danger seemed so remote, that even so late as 1840 it was common for
slaveholders to admit that property in man was an absurdity and an
injustice. The system itself was so secure, that they could afford to
concede its principle to their opponents. Just as men formerly fought
duels as a matter of course, while frankly admitting that it was wrong
to do so,--just as at the present time we concede that war is absurd
and unchristian, but yet go to war continually, because we know no
other way of settling international disputes,--so the slaveholders used
to say, "Slavery is wrong; we know that: but how is it to be abolished?
What can we do about it?"
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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