Observations on the new constitution, and on the Federal and State conventions, by a Columbian patriot — John Shaqi
Observations on the new constitution, and on the Federal and State conventions, by a Columbian patriotWarren, Mercy Otis
History
Observations on the new constitution, and on the Federal and State conventions, by a Columbian patriot
Warren, Mercy Otis
Constitutional history -- United States; United States -- Politics and government -- 1783-1789; United States. Constitution
of responsibility,—Man is not immediately corrupted, but power without
limitation, or amenability, may endanger the brightest virtue—whereas
a frequent return to the bar of their Constituents is the strongest
check against the corruptions to which men are liable, either from the
intrigues of others of more subtle genius, or the propensities of their
own hearts,—and the gentlemen who have so warmly advocated in the late
Convention of the Massachusetts, the change from annual to biennial
elections; may have been in the same predicament, and perhaps with the
same views that Mr. _Hutchinson_ once acknowledged himself, when in a
letter to _Lord Hillsborough_, he observed, “that the grand difficulty
of making a change in government against the general bent of the people
had caused him to turn his thoughts to a variety of plans, in order to
find one that might be executed in spite of opposition,” and the first
he proposed was that, “instead of annual, the elections should be only
once in three years:” but the Minister had not the hardiness to attempt
such an innovation, even in the revision of colonial charters: nor has
any one ever defended Biennial, Triennial, or Septennial, Elections,
either in the British House of Commons, or in the debates of Provincial
assemblies, on general and free principles: but it is unnecessary
to dwell long on this article, as the best political writers have
supported the principles of annual elections with a precision, that
cannot be confuted, though they may be darkened, by the sophistical
arguments that have been thrown out with design, to undermine all the
barriers of freedom.
2. There is no security in the profered [_sic_] system, either for
the rights of conscience or the liberty of the Press: Despotism
usually while it is gaining ground, will suffer men to think, say, or
write what they please; but when once established, if it is thought
necessary to subserve the purposes, of arbitrary power, the most unjust
restrictions may take place in the first instance, and an _imprimatur_
on the Press in the next, may silence the complaints, and forbid the
most decent remonstrances of an injured and oppressed people.
3. There are no well defined limits of the Judiciary Powers, they seem
to be left as a boundless ocean, that has broken over the chart of
the Supreme Lawgiver, “_thus far shalt thou go and no further_,” and
as they cannot be comprehended by the clearest capacity, or the most
sagacious mind, it would be an Herculean labour to attempt to describe
the dangers with which they are replete.
4. The Executive and the Legislative are so dangerously blended as to
give just cause of alarm, and every thing relative thereto, is couched
in such ambiguous terms—in such vague and indefinite expression, as is
a sufficient ground without any objection, for the reprobation of a
system, that the authors dare not hazard to a clear investigation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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